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ANALOGY 



SEMITIC LANGUAGES 



DISSERTATION 



PRESENTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS 
UNIVERSITY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



BY 



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ABEL H. HUIZINGA 
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BALTIMORE: 

press of isaac friedenwald co. 
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ANALOGY IN THE SEMITIC LANGUAGES. 

PART I. 

The received opinion on the nature of analogy as a linguistic 
phenomenon, and on the relation of analogy and phonetic law, 
may be stated as follows i 1 

i. The phonetic laws are absolutely without exception. There 
are not two classes of sound-changes, regular and irregular, syste- 
matic and sporadic. 2 

In speaking of phonetic law, however, it must be remembered 
that the idea of law is conditioned by the sphere in which it works 
and the material to which it is applied. We cannot speak of 
phonetic law in the same sense in which we speak of a natural 
law in physics or in chemistry. The student of linguistic phe- 
nomena should always take into account the individuality of the 
language-user. 

2. Whatever cannot be explained by regular processes of 
phonetic law must, in the main, be due to the influence of analogy. 
Most, if not all, apparently irregular and exceptional forms which 
cannot be brought under any known phonetic law, or which seem 
to violate such laws, have been formed directly after the model of 
other forms without etymological consciousness, simply by the 
power of association. 

These two forces, viz. phonetic variation and formation by 
analogy, are regarded as the most potent in bringing about indi- 
vidual instances of linguistic changes. Thus Sievers, in his article 
on Philology in the ninth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, 
speaking of these two forces, says : " They generally work in 
turns and often in opposition to each other, the former frequently 
tending to the differentiation of earlier unities, and the latter to 
the abolition of earlier differences, especially to the restoration of 
conformity disturbed by phonetic change. Phonetic change 
affects exclusively the pronunciation of a language by substitut- 

1 See Misteli, Lautgesetz und Analogic in Lazarus' und Steinthal's Zeit- 
schrift fur Volkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, XI 365-475. 
2 Cf., however, BAL 98 2, A. J. P., V 171. 



ing one sound or sound-group for another. Analogical change 
is confined to the formation and inflection of single words or groups 
of words, and often has the appearance of being arbitrary and 
irregular. It is beyond our power to ascertain whence analogical 
changes may start, and to what extent they may be carried through 
when once begun. All we can do is carefully to classify the single 
cases that come under our observation, and in this way to investi- 
gate where such changes are especially apt to take place, and 
what is their general direction." 

Starting with these general premises, it is the purpose of this 
article to study the operation of analogy in the Semitic languages, 
and to present, in a systematic way, the results of this study. In 
a study of this kind we are confronted by three questions : 

i. What is the relation of analogy to the characteristics and 
structure of the languages in which it occurs ? Are its nature, its 
manifestations, and the scope of its application at all modified or 
conditioned by the well-known peculiarities of these languages ? 

2. What individual instances of analogical formations are found 
in these languages? 

3. How are they to be classified ? 

In conducting our investigations we may start from the well- 
known fact that the whole structure of language, in its grammati- 
cal forms and categories, is, in a sense, analogical. It exhibits 
the operation of what we may call constructive analogy. 

The working of analogy as a constructive force in building up 
groups of similar words and forms may be stated as follows : It 
is obvious that different stems, forming different words and present- 
ing different sounds and combinations of sounds, are used to express 
different ideas ; and further, that different modifications of the same 
stem, whether by internal vowel changes, or by the addition of pre- 
fixes, infixes and suffixes, express the same idea under different mod i- 
fications and relations. But that different words should undergo 
the same changes and receive the same additions in the form of 
prefixes or suffixes in order to express the same relation or modi- 
fication of the original idea, is clearly the result of analogy whereby 
words are grouped together in classes, and within these groups 
the change which is applied to one is applied to all. This forma- 
tion of groups or classes of words and inflectional forms, and the 
application of the same inflectional change (using this term in its 
widest sense) to every word belonging to the same group, are 
the result of analogy. Each group is governed by a prevailing 



5 

analogy, and each individual of the group is treated in its develop- 
ments and its modifications to express different relations, in accord- 
ance with this prevailing analogy. The Semitic languages are 
peculiar in exhibiting with great clearness and fullness the effects 
of this constructive analogy by the regularity and uniformity of 
their structure. So, for example, in the inflection of the verb we 
find that the general analogy which is normally exhibited in the 
stems with strong and firm consonants holds good for all verbs, 
and the deviations from this model of the strong or regular verb 
are only modifications owing to the peculiar nature and feebleness 
of certain consonants. From the simple form of the primitives, 
called the Qal or first form, are formed according to an unvary- 
ing analogy in all verbs the verbal derivatives, sometimes called 
forms, or stems, or conjugations, each distinguished by a specific 
change or added element, with a corresponding definite change 
in its signification, such as intensive, causative, etc. In other lan- 
guages where such formations exist they are usually regarded as 
new derivative verbs. But in the Semitic languages they are 
incomparably more regular than in the Indo-European lan- 
guages. 1 

In these cases we have no reason to suppose that the present 
uniformity had to contend with original diversity. It may have 
been so, but the presumption is that it was not so.. But the case 
is different when we consider another marked uniformity in the 
structure of these languages, viz. the fact that all inflectional 
stems have, or are assumed to have, three stem-consonants. As 
the languages have comedown to us, we find a striking uniformity 
of appearance, but we have reason to suspect that it is at the 
expense of original divergency. In this case we have an instance 
of analogy partly as a disturbing and partly as a constructive 
influence. There are indications that the number of tri-conso- 
nantal stems was originally much smaller than at present, but in 
the course of linguistic development bi-consonantal stems were 
made tri-consonantal by the addition of another consonant until 
finally the latter formed the majority. 2 And although we have 
reason to suppose that the inflection of bi-consonantal stems was 
originally to some extent peculiar and different from the inflection 

'See Kautzsch-Gesenius, Hebrew Grammar, 25th ed., Leipzig, 1889, §$39, 
2 and 41. 

2 Cf. Lagarde, Symmicta, I 122 (Gottingen, 1877); Deutsche Schriften (1886), 
285 ; Bildung der Nomina (1889), 215. 



6 

of tri-consonantal stems, yet the preponderance of tri-consonantal 
stems was so strong that even those bi-consonantal stems which 
remained for the most part gave up their individuality, in various 
ways assuming the appearance of tri-consonantal stems and con- 
forming to their method of inflection. 1 

It may be assumed, then, as an established fact that the present 
uniformity in the appearance of the languages, namely, the pre- 
dominance of tri-consonantal stems, is at the expense of original 
diversity. Still, even here, after the uniformity had once been 
established, analogy works as a constructive force in the further 
inflection of these stems. 

But leaving for the present the consideration of analogy and the 
analogical structure of the Semitic languages in this sense of the 
term, let us examine the subject of analogy in its narrower, more 
specific sense, in the sense in which the word is generally used by 
recent writers, such as Misteli and Sievers ; let us see what instances 
of such analogical formations we have in these languages, how 
they may be most conveniently classified, and how they are 
related to the fundamental structure and characteristics of these 
languages. 

Whatever theory we may adopt as to the original form and 
constitution of the (so-called) weak verbs, this much at the least is 
certain, that in their present form they present the appearance of 
verbs regularly inflected after the model of the strong or perfect 
verb, modified, however, by the peculiarities of the weak conso- 
nants found in the stem. Add to this the fact that in some of the 
Semitic languages certain consonants (e. g. in Hebrew the gut- 
turals) have certain peculiarities which give rise to corresponding 
peculiarities of inflection of the stems containing such consonants, 
and all the apparent irregularities of Semitic verb-inflection are 
accounted for. These different peculiarities give rise to different 
classes of verb-inflection, according to the ordinary denomination, 
verbs '"a, K"3, n"S, etc. 

But knowing something of the nature of these weak conso- 
nants, something of the nature of the differences which distin- 
guish these different classes of stems in their various formations 
and inflections on the one hand, and something of the nature of 
analogy as it is commonly understood, and as it is exhibited in 

1 Compare Whitney, Language and the Study of Language, p. 302 sq. ; Stade, 
Lehrbuch der Hebraischen Grammatik, §i2a, I and §142-144 ; Kautzsch, 
Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramaischen, §§45 and 46 ; Noldeke, Syrische Gram- 
matik, §§41 and 57. 



other families of languages on the other hand, we are led to 
expect the occurrence of analogy just here. We are led to expect 
that the peculiarities which distinguish one class of weak verbs 
from another, the barriers, as we may call them, which separate 
the different classes from each other, should be entirely or par- 
tially disregarded and the different forms confused. And such 
we find to be the case. We have not only the general fact that 
all the inflection of those weak verbs which were originally bi-con- 
sonantal in their stems is analogical, i. e. based on the analogy of 
the stems with three stem-consonants, but we have also a great 
many specific cases of analogy. We find many individual instances 
of verbs of one class treated as if belonging to another class, and 
hence inflected after the analogy of that class, or even disregard- 
ing the weakness or peculiarity entirely and inflected directly after 
the analogy of the strong verb. We find also a few instances 
where the strong verb is inflected after the analogy of the weak. 
All such cases of analogical formation, therefore, which affect the 
real or assumed stem of any word comprise one class with three 
subdivisions. 

Class I. 

Analogical formations in the inflection of the verb or in the forma- 
tion of verbal derivatives with reference to the different classes of 
stems. 

Under this head we have three subdivisions : 

A. Confusion of the different classes of weak stems. 

B. Weak stems after the analogy of the strong. 

C. Strong stems after the analogy of the weak. 

This law of tri-consonantality , if we may so call it, in the stems 
of words, is one of the most prominent characteristics of the 
Semitic languages, and this class of analogical formations which 
has just been considered is closely connected with this same char- 
acteristic, in that stems which in their original form did not have 
three stem-consonants are conformed to the analogy of regular, 
original, tri-consonantal stems. 

Another peculiarity of the Semitic languages is the function of 
the vowel and the use made of differences and changes in vocali- 
zation to differentiate various classes of words and to construct 
different inflectional forms. Thus, in Arabic, qatala is the type of 
the active transitive verb, qatila of the intransitive, and qutila of 
the passive. 1 

'Cf. Lagarde, Bildung der Nomina, p. 7 (ZDMG XLIV 536). 



8 

We have also many phonetic processes whereby vowels are 
changed, lengthened, shortened, etc., in the various processes of 
inflection. These changes and variations are so light and delicate 
that we may expect some confusion at times, and such we find to 
be the case. Sometimes these phonetic processes are firmly 
maintained, enabling us to ascertain the law which governs them. 
But in a great many cases forms are transferred from one class to 
another, and changes take place which are not warranted by any 
phonetic law. All these analogical formations connected with the 
vocalization of the different words and forms can be comprised in 
one class. This gives us 

Class II. 

Analogical formations involving changes and confusion in vocali- 
zation. 

Still another peculiarity of the Semitic languages is their method 
of inflection and of the formation of derivative words by pre- 
formatives, informatives, and afformatives, and the resulting dis- 
tinction between servile and stem-consonant. These formations 
and distinctions are peculiarly subject to confusion, and" hence 
give rise to many analogical formations which may be comprised 
in one class with four divisions. 

Class III. 
Analogical changes in the formative elements of words. 

A. Mistaking servile or formative element for part of the stem. 

B. Mistaking a stem-consonant for a servile. 

C. Analogical changes in the formative elements themselves ; 

influence of one formative element upon another. 

D. Addition of serviles and formative elements where they 

do not belong. 
I have thus shown, in a preliminary and provisional way, the 
possibility of the existence of three different classes of analogical 
formations affecting respectively the stem-consonants, the vowels, 
and the formative elements of the different words and forms. But 
when we consider that every Semitic word can be analyzed into 
these three elements, viz. its consonantal stem, its vowels, and its 
formatives, and that these three elements are in the main so 
strongly marked and so clearly separated, we see at once that 
this analysis has furnished us a basis for the classification of ana- 
logical formations which, though perhaps not so profoundly philo- 
sophical as some other modes of classification which might be 



adopted, still has the merit that it is simple, practically convenient, 
and exhaustive, and most of all, that it presents these analogical 
phenomena in closest connection with the structure and the char- 
acteristics of these languages. 

The results of our study up to this point may be summed up 
in the following propositions : 

i. The whole structure of the Semitic languages and all the 
formations and inflections of words are analogical, using the term 
analogy in its widest sense. 

2. Using the term analogy in its restricted and more usual 
sense when speaking of it as a linguistic phenomenon, those cases 
of analogical formation which do occur are connected most closely 
with the structure and various characteristics of these languages, 
and thus they are easily accounted for, in fact they occur just 
where this structure and these characteristics lead us to expect 
them. 

We find, then, these two factors in the structure of the Semitic 
languages : on the one hand a notable degree of regularity in the 
recurrence of certain fixed types of forms and in the application 
of inflectional modifications ; on the other hand, certain deviations 
from these types and normal processes under the influence of a 
disturbing analogy. But when we look more closely into the 
nature and relations of these two factors it becomes evident at 
once that they sustain a most intimate relation to each other. 
They are not the result of separate and distinct linguistic forces, 
or to go back of the language to the mind of the language-user, 
of separate and distinct faculties of the mind. They are the result 
of the same law working under different conditions. As a lin- 
guistic law we call it the law of the group. As the product of the 
human mind we ascribe it to the power of association. By the 
constitution of the human mind each word is felt to be a member 
of a distinct class or group, and not simply an isolated individual ; 
and the whole philosophy of analogy as a linguistic phenomenon 
may be thus briefly expressed : 

Whenever the law or type of any group has been able to main- 
tain itself, the individual conforms to the law of the group to which 
it belongs and the formations are normal. 

But when the law breaks down and the distinction between the 
groups is disregarded, the individual, instead of conforming to 
the group to which it belongs, is transferred to another group, 
with which somehow it has become associated, and the result is a 
disturbing analogy. 



IO 

It is true that the unwarranted application or extension of 
analogy beyond its legitimate bounds is a marked feature of lan- 
guage. It is this that has given rise to the expression mistaken 
or false analogy. It might better be called disturbing analogy. 
One of its most frequent effects, as is pointed out in the words of 
Sievers, quoted above, is the obliteration of existing differences. 
But it is wrong to regard analogy simply as a disturbing influence. 
In fact, we might almost say that this is only an incidental effect. 
It is better to regard analogy as that which binds together the 
different individual members of each group of words or linguistic 
elements. Or to speak more accurately, it is natural for the mind 
to associate words which although different still are felt to be 
members of one and the same group, and to apply to all the 
inflectional changes which it has been taught to apply to one. 
This extension of the same inflectional changes to all the different 
members of the same group, this formation of different words 
from different stems after the same type or model, is not the work 
of memory, as is also pointed out by Brugmann in his book " Zum 
heutigen Stand der Sprachwissenschaft," p. 79. It is the work of 
the power of association or combination, or, as it might also be 
called, the analogical faculty. We are not concerned primarily 
with the name of this faculty, however. But that with which we 
are concerned is the fact that so-called analogical formations are 
not to be regarded as something isolated and entirely distinct from 
those formations which are called normal, but rather they are the 
results of the same mental process, and show the operation of the 
same law working under different conditions. 

Starting from the principle that analogy is the modification of 
an existing form, or the origination of a new form after the model 
of another form with which it is associated, different schemes for 
the classification of such analogical phenomena have been pro- 
posed. These different schemes are presented and reviewed by 
Delbriick, " Einleitung in das Sprachstudium," p. 108 fg. Accord- 
ing to him these classifications are made from three different points 
of view : 

1. According to the nature of the psychological activities which 
are concerned in the different formations. 

2. According to the nature of the words affected by analogy. 

3. According to the results of the operation of this force of 
analogy. 

The first of these principles is the one adopted by Misteli in 



II 

the article already referred to (Zeitschrift fiir Volkerpsychologie 
und Sprachwissenschaft, XI 365-475, XII 1-26), and after him by 
Wheeler, in his treatise on "Analogy and the scope of its appli- 
cation in language." ' As this is by far the most satisfactory of 
existing methods of classification, I shall present it in some detail, 
using mainly the phraseology of Wheeler in the statement of the 
different classes, and illustrating them by examples taken from 
the domain of Semitic. 

According to Sievers, the influence of analogy tends largely to 
the abolition of earlier differences. Similarly Wheeler (op. cit. 
P- 35) : " The operation of analogy in language is in every case 
ultimately conditioned and determined by the natural quest of 
the mind for unity to replace multiplicity, system to replace anoma- 
lous diversity, and groups to replace monads. The office of 
the psychical factor in the development of language is therefore 
the maintenance and re-establishment of the groups which the 
phonetic laws tend to disrupt, and the creation of new groups. 
It aims to eliminate purposeless variety." 

To this must be added the important statement on page 37 of 
the same work : " The formation of new groups very commonly 
appears as a readjustment of old groups. Changes in the char- 
acter and use of the phonetic material of a language often cause 
a form or number of forms to be severed from one group and 
attached to another." 

Wheeler thus classifies the phenomena of analogy : 

I. Likeness of Signification and Diversity of Form. Two words 
entirely diverse in form, but which are capable of application to 
one and the same object or idea, may, through the influence of 
this limited likeness of signification, be confused into one word 
by the process known as " contamination of form." 

No instance of this kind in Semitic has occurred to me. 

II. Affinity of Signification and Diversity of Form. Words 
totally dissimilar in form, but expressing ideas of like category, are 
made to approximate slightly in form through the extended appli- 
cation of some sign of category or through the extended use of 
some element or combination of elements of sound which has 
come to be recognized as characteristic of a group. 

As an illustration of this kind of analogy the following has 
occurred to me : The common people often say masoner for mason. 
The ending er came to be regarded as expressing trade or calling, 

1 Ithaca, N. Y., 1887. Cf. also A. J. P. V 165-85, X 202. 



12 

from such words as painter, joiner, carpe?iter, farmer, etc. 
Hence they sought to bring mason into the same category of form 
by adding er and making masoner. 

Instances in Semitic are the following among others : The prefix 
m, to form the passive participle of the Arabic first form, of which 
the ground-form is gat-til. See Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 178, 

In Arabic this principle often works in the extension of existing 
groups. See Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 135, §85^. The form 
qatil, formed nominally from the i- imperfect, is used to denote 
masses, collectives. Then in that sense it is formed from stems 
which have no *- imperfect, especially to denote masses or collec- 
tions of animals, kalib ' dogs,' da'in ' sheep,' etc. 

Cf. also the Mandean pronouns ac/mun, achtun, achtochun and 
achnochun (Nold., Mand. Gramm., p. 86). 

III. Likeness of Function and Diversity of Fo7'm. Words 
differing in form are reduced to groups upon the basis of likeness 
of function, i. e. of likeness of use in the economy of the sentence 
and for the expression of like modifications of thought. 

An illustration of this kind of analogy is found in the forma- 
tion of the Hebrew infinitive absolute of the Niphal. See Barth, 
op. cit. p. 72, §49$. The regular infinitive absolute of the Niphal 
is seen in ^DDJ. But as in the Piel and Hiphil a certain assonance 
was perceived between the imperfect and the infinitive absolute 
used to strengthen it, e. g. ^2pT\ ~»3^ Ex. 23, 24, a similar form 
was originated in order to produce a similar assonance in the case 
of the Niphal rrteft rosn, D^X rf?Si> I Sam. 27, 1, etc. This ana- 
logical formation almost entirely displaced the organic. 

Other illustrations of this are seen in the formation of prepo- 
sitions with suffixes in Hebrew and in Ethiopic. Compare ^$ 

The 1 is organic in the first two cases, because they are 
to be referred to the stems ^K and HU. Starting from such stems 
it is extended analogically to stems of other prepositions where it 
has no place at all. 

IV. Contrast of Signification and Partial Likeness of Form. 
Words of contrasted signification and of partly similar form are 
grouped in couplets, and a further approximation in the outward 
form is the result. 

1 Cf., however, Beitr. z. Assyriologie I 160 (ZA, IV 375). 

2 Cf. ZDMG, XLII part 3 (A. J. P. X 234) and Lagarde, Mittheil. II 231. 



13 

An instance of this kind of analogy is given by Praetorius, 
Ethiopic Grammar, p. 86, §99. Eth. wad 1 a, he has gone out, has 
in the subjunctive ida, and imperative da'. These forms ought 
to be inflected thus: tede'i, ide'd or del, de'-ti. They follow, 
however, the analogy of their opposite ibd\ from bo a, he has 
gone in, and hence we have the forms ted&z, iddii, 7'da a, etc. 1 

Another illustration of the analogy of the opposites is the 
Hebrew flXfy last (stem prp) after the analogy of \W#r\, first. 

V. Likeness of Signification and Partial Likeness of Form, 
Words whose stems have a like signification and are similar but 
not like in form are grouped together upon the basis both of 
meaning and form, and a levelling of the form of the stems is the 
result. 

Under this head Wheeler brings the following classes of ana- 
logical formations: 

A. Levelling between different cases of like stems. 

As an instance, somewhat similar at least to the instances men- 
tioned by Wheeler under this head, maybe mentioned such cases 
as I have given under CI. Ill, Div. B., the Assyrian plural iidti for 
iddti, from ittu, which stands for idtu, 2 the feminine of idu, hand. 

B. Levelling between the different forms for person and number 
in the same tense of the verb. 

Analogical influence of this kind is very conspicuous in the 
inflection of the perfect of the Semitic verb. 

The original paradigm probably was as follows, in the singular : s 

qatal a. ' he has killed.' 

qatal at. ' she has killed.' 

qatal ta. ' thou hast killed.' 

qatal ti. ' thou (fern.) hast killed.' 

qatal ku. ' I have killed.' 
In Ethiopic, the first person qatal-M has influenced the second 
person masculine and feminine, so that they now have qatalkd, 
qatalki. In the other languages the reverse of this process took 
place ; kti of the first person was changed to tfi under the influ- 
ence of the analogy of the second person, while in Hebrew, by a 
further analogical change, id was changed to ti under the influence 
of the possessive suffix i. A 

1 Cf. Hebraica II 6, i. 

2 See Hebraica I 178, 5 ; cf., however, Delitzsch, Prolegomena 46 and 115. 
3 See Noldeke, Die Endungen des Perfects, ZDMG, XXXVIII 407 sq. 
4 Cf. SFG 53 below ; ZDMG, XXXVIII 419; XL1V 539, 1 ; Wright, Comp. 

Gramm. 175. 



14 

C. Levelling between the different parts (tenses), etc., of the 
same verb. 

An instance of this kind of analogical formation is seen in the 
vocalization of the Hebrew perfect and imperfect Piel as com- 
pared with the corresponding forms in Arabic. In Arabic, which 
probably comes nearest to the primitive, we have qattala, yuqat- 
tilu, while in Hebrew we have h$p, }tSp*. The ^-vowel of the 
second syllable of the perfect is probably due to the influence of 
the corresponding vowel of the imperfect. The z'-vowel of the 
first syllable is then perhaps due to vowel-harmony. 

D. Levelling between derivative and primitive. 

No instances of this kind in Semitic have occurred to me, per- 
haps because there generally exists such a close connection between 
derivative and primitive. 

For this classification Wheeler claims practical exhaustiveness. 
He says : " Under the five main categories which have been thus 
far established and discussed may be classified nearly if not quite 
all the phenomena usually associated with the action of analogy." 

I have preferred, however, in my treatment of analogy to look 
at the phenomena from a different point of view, and adopt a 
different method of classification. The predominant characteristic 
of all Semitic analogical formations, as I have already shown, is 
the formation of groups, and the disturbance of these groups by 
transferring individual words, forms, portions, or characteristic 
elements of forms from one group to another, taking them from 
a group where they exist organically and applying them to or 
placing them in a group where they do not belong. These dis- 
turbances or transferments will naturally affect either the conso- 
nantal ground-stem of a word, or the vocalization of the stem, or 
those formative elements, prefixes, infixes, suffixes, by which 
different inflectional forms or derivative words are formed. 
Hence the classification which I have given will logically follow, 
and I trust that a study of the material as I have arranged it, in 
the second part, under these different heads, will bear out its 
suitability. This material will appear in a subsequent number of 
this Journal. 



*5 



PART II. 

The following are the principal instances of analogical forma- 
tion in the Semitic languages. 

Class I. 

Analogical formations in the inflection of the verb, or in the 
formation of verbal derivatives with reference to the different 
classes of verb-stems. 

In this class are comprised only such cases as have reference to 
the different classes of verb-stems. All other cases are placed 
under their proper heads (Classes II and III). 

Division A. 

Confusion of the different classes of stems, either in the inflec- 
tion of the verb or in the formation of verbal derivatives. 

In Hebrew the two classes of verbs r\'h and wh are frequently 
confounded. Sometimes, however, this confusion is due simply 
to the Massoretic pointing. 

r\"h after the analogy of K'6. 

K3^> 2 Kings 25. 29 'he changed' for T\W. So also from the 
same stem &y&) Lam. 4. 1 and K3£" Ecc. 8. 1. 

Kna* 'he is fruitful' Hos. 13. 15, st. ma. 

N?? 'to consume' Dan. 9. 24 for n?3 (inf. constr. Piel). 

NSnip Jer. 38. 4 'relaxing' for nSDD (prtcp. Piel). 

n«"|b for '"nb Zeph. 3. 1 'rebellious' (prtcp. Qal), st. mD. 

D^pp Lam. 4. 2 ' weighed ' as if from fe6o. 

D^Fi Deut. 28. 66 'hanging' pass, prtcpl. Qal as if from &6n. 
So also D-1K7Jj1 2 Sam. 21. 12 ^p. 

fr\?D*.- 2 Chron. 16. 12 'and he was sick' for ilWl. 

■IKBnjI 2 Kings 17. 9 'and they covered' as if from astern NDn, 
for nsn. 

**?.*_! 2 Kings 17. 21 2^riD 'and he removed' as if from S13, for 
1*J from mx 



i6 

K.in-}K Prov. i. 10 'be not willing' as if from a stem NIK 
for ra«. 

KTV? 2 Chron. 26. 15 'to shoot' as if from a stem KV for m\ 
similarly 2 Sam. 11. 24 and Prov. 11. 25. 

K'6 verbs after the analogy of n'6 verbs. 

Several forms from K73 'to withhold,' 'to restrain,' are formed 
as if from a stem n?3, so *flK?3 Ps. 119. 101 (this, however, may 
be simply due to the Massorites), ^n?| 1 Sam. 25. 33, v3 1 Sam. 
6. 10, nj»? Gen. 23. 6. 

So also many forms from NfH 'to heal' are formed as if from 
nfH, as na*| Ps. 60. 4. Imperative Qal with vowels as if from 

nys-|n Job 5. 18 'they heal.' 

nns"}3 Jer. 51. 9. -1ST 2 Kgs. 2. 22. Perfect and imperfect 
Niphal. »TJer. 8. 11. Piel. 

So also npia Prov. 12. 18 'babbler' from stem KD1 (cf. Ktp?P). 

npv Ruth 2. 9 from HP? 'to thirst.' 

•te Ezek. 28. 16 and rfe Job 8. 21 from «!?» <to be full' as if 
the stem were rbn. 

Compare also such infinitive forms as ITIKTJ Jud. 8. 1 from *Op 
'to call' 

n*6p Numb. 6. 5 from k5>? 'to be full,' also ni*6p Jer. 25. 12, 
n^D Ex. 31. 5. 

nVttfe> Prov. 8. 13 from «3? 'to hate.' 

n«oq Ez. 33. 12 from «tpn 'to sin,' n'K3p_ 2 Sam. 21. 2 from fctii? 
'to be jealous.'. 

These forms as compared with ^^P, etc., clearly show the 
influence of the analogy of ni?|. 

The example of nxttq, moreover, leads us to suspect that in 
KDin Is. 65. 20, KDn Ecc. 8. 12, and in other similar cases we have 
something more than a "confusion due to the Massorites." 1 

'•HvStf Ps. 139. 14 and ^v^ Ex. 33. 16 are from &6d to sepa- 
rate, distinguish,' as if the stem were nba. 

Wpto) Job 18. 3 from Kptp < to De unclean' as if the stem were 
HDtD. 

So W¥P? 2 Sam. 3. 8 from K*p 'to find ' as if the stem were 
nm 

1 It is well known that the verbs N"? are in the Mishna regularly inflected 
as verbs !Tv; see Geiger, Lehrb. zur Sprache der Mishna, p. 46; Strack- 
Siegfried, Lehrb. der neuhebr. Sprache (1884), §§o,8c and 105; cf. Wright, 
Koheleth (1883), p. 488. 



i7 

n2m Jer. 49. 10 from K^n 'to hide' as if the stem were nnn, also 
H2nn T Kgs. 22. 25. So also O'GJ Jer. 26. 9 and tn«^3n Zech. 
13. 4 from K33 'vaticinatus est' as if the stem were H2J (for 123). 

Similarly ffl23nn 1 Sam. 10. 13 and n*33"ljn 1 Sam. 10. 6. 

Again, a similar confusion is observed between V"v stems and Y'V 
stems. 

The following forms from V"V stems are formed as if from a 
stem Y'V : 

|-VV Prov. 29. 6 'he will sing' (st. pi). 

p»Y Is. 42. 4 ' he shall be bruised' (stem f n). [Cf. Eccl. 12. 6.] 

W* Ps. 91. 6 'he shall waste ' (st. YiB>). 

1-13 Ecc. 9. 1 ' to explore ' (st. "112). 

WM Nah. 1. 12 'they shall be cut down' (st. ?n). 

TT2fi Is. 24. 3 'she shall be plundered' (st. TT2). 

p12Fi Is. 24. 3 'she shall be emptied' (st. Pp2). 

ptw; Ps. 115. 7 'they handle' (st. WB). 

VPQ Jud. 3. 24 'covering' (st. TpD). 

iWn Hab. 3. 9 'she was made bare' (st. ir\v). 

ftV. Hab. 2. 17 'it terrifies them' (st. nnn). 

VTXi Prov. 11. 15 'he shall be broken' (st. VV\). 

So also in Syriac these two classes of verb-stems, viz. V"V and 
Y'V are frequently confused. See Noldeke's Syriac Grammar, 
§§ 58, 105, 126B, 174E, 175, 176, 177A for these and similar 
instances in Syriac. 

The following forms from Y'V stems are formed as if their stem 
were V"V. 

2'^ Josh. 2. 16, inf. of 2-1^ 'to return'; i»3 Jer. 48. 11, Pause, 'he 
is changed,' st. "ViD; and "IP} Ezek. 48. 14, Hiph. from the same 
stem. 

In Syriac all the verbs V"V form their forms with prefixes after 
the analogy of verbs |"S. See Noldeke, Syriac Grammar, 
§i78C. 

This is also the explanation of all those forms with prefixes 
from verbs V"V in Hebrew, in which the first stem-consonant is 
doubled. They are based on the analogy of verbs |"B. 

Instances are Dfy from WOI 'to be silent.' 

1p\ stem Yip 'to bow the knee.' 

D^ stem D?on 'to finish.' 

^ stem Wn ' to be slack, feeble.' 

F$\ stem nn^ ' to be low.' 

W. stem "|2D 'to tumble, fall.' 



3D> stem 33D 'to turn' and 3D»_, Hiphil from the same stem. 

The same formation is observed in the case of some forms from 
Y'V stems. 

*®\ stem >1D 'to draw back, depart' 

s®\ stem ^jd 'to cut off.' 

?*?Pl Hiphil stem 7-1T 'to shake.' 

JVp? Hiphil stem n-lD 'to move.' 

^.J Hoph. stem b-1D 'to be long.' 

n^n and 0*3* 'to lay down,' 'to cause to rest' Hiph. stem rvo. 

According to Stade, §535b, the form fiJ.^Dfy impft. 3d person 
fern. plur. stem 33D 'to turn,' with the insertion of the diphthong 
ai (*v) between the stem and the ending, rests on the analogy of 
the same form from stems PI"? (for l »"7 or v6) n ^?^. 

In Mandean (Noldeke, Mandean Grammar, page 83) and in 
Amharic (Praetorius, Amharische Sprache, p. 141) confusion 
between stems V"V and *"? and )"? is especially frequent. The 
examples are all given in the places cited, so that it is needless to 
give them here. 

According to Praetorius (loc. cit.), this is also the explanation 
of the form H13D, i. e. the stem 33D is treated as if it were H3D for 
13 D (sabawa). On rilUp see also Wright, Arab. Gramm. §120 
rem. c. and Spitta, Dialect of Cairo, §101, 3. 

Sometimes stems V'B and *"S are confused. As is well known, 
many of the stems *"S in Hebrew are originally V'B, the original 
initial waw reappearing in the Niphal, Hiphil, and in verbal deri- 
vatives with D-preformative. Not all such formations with waw 
are organic, however. Thus, as is pointed out by Haupt (S. F. G. 
p. 22, note 1) the verb in* 'to know' is a verb cum yddh origi- 
nario, as appears from the Assyrian idi, tidi, and Ethiopic 'aydea 
notum fecit. Hence the Hiphil ^H" 1 ", Syriac 'awda* and skawda' 
are analogical formations. 

Some forms from stems V"V show the influence of *"2 analogy 
to which they bear an external resemblance. 

So VW. Job 18. 7, impft. stem "m 'to be narrow.' 

The verb ^n <to go' has the impft. Qal. "sfe and Hiph. T^ n as 
if the stem were -\b), while the form nr^tf Mic. 1. 8 points to a 
form "|?* cum * originario. 

So also the form 3D** } impft. from 310 'to be good,' as if the 
stem were 3E*. 

In Assyrian the stems V'B, X"D and n"2 (X 2 S) are also confused. 
Thus us£bila, us£sz&, us£si from stems 1"B are formed as if from 
stems N"B. 



19 

So also attasab, ittasil?ii, muttabil are formed after the analogy 
of attalak, etc., and this again shows the influence of stems |"S. 
izzazil, present of nazazu ' to stand,' is based in its vocalization 
on the analogy oVillakil from 'al&ku ' to go.' See Haupt, S. F. G., 
p. 52, note 10. 

So also iddan stem nadanu ' to give,' by the same analogy. 
illika ' he came ' is J"S analogy. See Haupt, S. F. G., p. 66, also 
Hebraica, Vol. I, p. 255. 

So also the stems "pi and p"il form their preterites as if from 
Tp* and pV, £-qir, li-ri-qu (Del. Ass. Gram. §112). 

Dr. Rosenberg, Das Aramaische Verbum im Babylonischen 
Talmud, gives the following instances of transfer from one weak 
class to another in that idiom. 

P. 40. "IXJVD i")T) ' er ward gebildet ' Joma 85a, Sota 45b analogy 
of Y'V. 

P. 44. Most verbs Y'V form their Afel after the analogy of 
verbs IS. 

P. 45. Verbs V"V with object-suffixes are sometimes treated after 
the analogy of Y'h. 

P. 46. Ethpeel of verbs V"V, formed, partially at least, after the 
analogy of verbs Y'V. So bbv forms its Pael and Ethpaal after 
the analogy of verbs Y'V. 

P. 63. Verbs v 'h form with pronominal suffixes after the analogy 
of the strong verb (cf. Nold. Mand. Gram. §204). 

In modern Syriac NnjS, f em . KJins 'lukewarm,' whose stem is 
really niB, is based on the analogy of KTp 'cold,' XWn 'warm' 
(Nold. Neusyrische Sprache,-§43). 

Further, WVVW 'heard' and WVTO 'sick' are formed after the 
analogy of other s '6 forms, such as N^n 'pure,' Knn 'seen,' etc. 
(Nold. Neus. S. §44, p. 91). 

Cases of analogical formation in the confusion of different 
classes of weak verbs are specially frequent in modern Syriac. 
See Nold. Modern Syriac Grammar, p. 188, §95. 

Verbs V 'S and Y'V are confused. See Nold. op. cit., p. 228, §108, 
p. 230. 

Verbs K"B, such as pDK 'to ascend,' "iDN 'to catch, to be cold,' 
are treated after the analogy of verbs v/ 2. 

Many verbs originally v"V are treated after the analogy of verbs 
Y'V, e. g. C]&o, KQ»3 'to bend, stoop' from P]M, DKD, xwh, etc. 'to 
finish' from DE>n (Nold. Neusyr. Sprache, p. 231, §109). 

2ND 'to be worth' has some forms from fcOD 0'6). 



20 

p&O 'to spit' has in the inf. KplKn after the analogy of K"2 (Nold. 
§110, p. 233). 

V"h and w? are confused (p. 239, §111). See also p. 248, §114. 

The verb 3.T (p. 254, §117) forms its conjugation from several 
different though correlated stems. 

There are many instances of such confusion of the different 
classes of weak verbs in Mandean. The instances are too nume- 
rous to be mentioned here in detail. See Nold. Mandean Gram- 
mar, p. 24, §22. 

Verbs tertiae V after the analogy of verbs tertiae \ 

P. 82, §74. Verbs Y'V after the analogy of V"V and conversely 
V"V after the analogy of >"!?. 

Verbs mediae X and v after the analogy of 117. 

Verbs *>"h after the analogy of V"V, and so conversely verbs V"V 
after the analogy of verbs »"?. 

Nominal formations from different stems showing the influence 
of i"? stems are given on p. 104, §90. 

P. in, §94. (Mand.) forms from *'6, Y'h treated after the analogy 
of forms from stems V"V. 

P. 236, §i77a. Verbs tertiae gutturalis after the analogy of 
stems Y'7. 

P. 243, §180. Verbs K"3 are treated after the analogy of verbs 
1"S, >"D 

Verbs Y'V and V"V are habitually confounded (Mand. Gram, 
p. 247, §183). 

So p. 255, §189. Verbs mediae V or K are treated after the 
analogy of verbs Y'V. 

Cases of the influence of one class of weak stems upon another 
in Amharic are given in Praetorius, Amharische Sprache (Halle, 
l8 79)> P- I 4 I > § io 3- As they are all fully cited there and dis- 
cussed at some length, it is needless to mention them here in 
detail. 

Other cases of the confusion of different weak stems in Arabic 
are given by Barth, Nominalbildung, p. 45, §3ob. 

The adjective-form qdtil from stems Y'V, preserves the w in a 
few cases such as tawil ' long/ hawzd 'zealous.' But in most cases 
they follow the analogy of stems v, y, with the usual change of 
djS to ajji {aiii'). Examples are maiiit 'dead,' 'aiiid, jaiiid 
'good,' haiiin 'light, easy.' 

Other instances are given p. 188, §i27c, qaiiim, haiiit, saiiid. 



21 

Class I. 
Division B. 

Stems with weak stem-consonants after the analogy of stems 
with strong stem-consonants. Also original bi-consonantal stems 
after the analogy of tri-consonantal stems. 

As was pointed out in the first part of this* article, many stems 
in the Semitic languages which seem to have three stem-conso- 
nants were probably bi-consonantal in their original condition, 
and assumed an additional stem-consonant in order to make them 
tri-consonantal by the force of the prevailing analogy. Other 
stems, instead of becoming completely tri-consonantal remained 
more or less imperfect and preserved some traces of the original 
bi-consonantal condition. In different languages also they attained 
to different stages of completeness. Thus, from the original bi- 
consonantal stem Dp we have in Hebrew Dip and Qp T (with a long 
vowel), and in Arabic qdma. The Hebrew intensive is B£1p, and 
the Arabic qauuama, and Aramaic D'[2 ( n £*i?? Dan. 6. 8). Here 
it will be seen that the original bi-consonantal stem is more con- 
spicuous in Hebrew, and the form of the tri-consonantal stem is 
more completely attained in Arabic and in Aramaic, qauuama 
standing on exactly the same plane as qattala. 

Finally, taking the inflection as it now stands, where the pecu- 
liarity or feebleness of one or more of the stem-consonants, or the 
originally bi-consonantal nature of the stem gives rise to different 
classes of verbs, each with its own special paradigm (according 
to the current denomination V 'S, |"3, ff'V, T\"h» etc.), we find many 
individual cases which, disregarding these peculiarities, leave the 
paradigm to which they ought normally to conform and follow 
the analogy of the strong or perfect verb throughout. 

We find, then, that we can distinguish three closely related 
cases : 

(i). Stems in which all traces of the original bi-consonantal 
nature have disappeared, and which have three stem-consonants 
in all of their forms. 

(2). Stems in which the analogy of the tri-consonantal stems 
is established as part of the regular paradigm in some of the 
forms. 

Here we find such cases as the Arabic qauuama from qdma, 
Aramaic HOJidJ from E£. 

Compare also Noldeke, Modern Syriac Gramm. §42, where it 



22 

is observed that those nouns which in the earlier language were 
bi-consonantal, such as dim ' blood ' and shim ' name,' have become 
tri-consonantal in modern Syriac, dimmd and shimmd. 

Under this head may also be placed the forms treated by 
Barth, Vergleichende Studien, Z. D. M. G., Vol. 41, p. 603 fg. 

Because of the reluctance of the Semitic languages to have 
nouns with only two stem-consonants, masculine nouns of this 
class of forms of which he is treating (viz. shortened derivatives 
of stems 1"? and *"?) are but seldom found in the northern Semitic 
languages, and in Arabic hardly ever. In consequence of the 
prevalence of the law requiring three stem-consonants, the greater 
number of such shortened nouns assumed the feminine ending, 
not to denote sex, but simply to compensate the loss sustained by 
the disappearance of the third stem-consonant. Cf. Hebrew rigG? 
'drink' from the stem np& y njj 'body.' In Arabic hize from the 
stem haziia * to obtain ' and many others. 

So also the "feminine ending" is added in those cases where 
the first stem-consonant has disappeared. T\j% and Arabic 
lidatu n from the stem T?1 (wa/add), It 'to bear.' This "femi- 
nine ending" has become so entirely a part of the stem as to 
remain in the plural. Compare ninjH. < doors,' Hfn^P ' bows,' HIJW 
'watering-troughs,' ninp? Ez. 13. 18 'bands, pillows.' 

(3). Individual cases of single forms where the normal para- 
digm or type of the class to which the stem belongs is disre- 
garded and the form is based directly on the analogy of the 
strong or regular verb. 

In ^?_^ Ex. 23. 22 'I was an enemy' and in &1.W 'weary,' we 
evidently have a later development of a consonantal jjW/£ between 
the two original consonants of the stem. 1 

With regard to *\?P Ti however, we must note that Barth, Nomi- 
nalbildung, §iob, regards it as transposed for *|ffj. 

The assimilation of a vowelless | is a familiar fact in Hebrew 
morphology. In cases where it is retained, the analogy of other 
consonants not subject to such assimilation doubtless has its 
influence. So «Wjn Is. 58. 3 'ye exact,' TKJ? Jer. 3. 5 'He will 
keep,' Vl$3? Deut. 33. 9 ' They will guard,' 3p3? Job 40. 24 from 2pJ 
' to bore through,' •1Spf Is. 29. 1 from ?)p3 ' to come round,' said 
of feasts. 

1 Cf. Haupt, Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie II 276, and Beitrage zur Assyrio- 
logie I 296 below. 



23 

T™Jl) Ezek. 22. 20 'to melt,' Hiph. inf. of ^ru. 

piipn Jud. 20. 31 Hophal from P^n 'to cut off.' 

In Assyrian n is not assimilated to the following dentals : enzu 
'goat,' bintu 'daughter,' erisu 'weak.' See Haupt in Hebraica 
I 227. 

In ™ Ps. 119. 61 'to surround' Piel of TO; "HR 'to make blind,' 
*$£?& Ps. 119. 28 'preserve me alive !' Piel of D-ip; B#??n] Dan. 1. 10 
'so ye should endanger,' Piel of the stem 2-in; to"!*B?n Josh. 9. 12 
'we provided ourselves with food,' Hithpael denominative from 
TV 'food,' from the stem 1-1S 'to hunt,' we have instances of forms 
of stems with weak stem-consonants treated after the analogy of 
stems with strong consonants. 

In a few cases we find, instead of the usual form of the con- 
struct infinitive from n"b stems (J"l1?}), a form which is based on 
the analogy of the same form from the strong stem ?ttp ; such 
forms are nfettj 'to do,' HS*] 'to see,' n'^p 'to get,' ^ 'to drink.' 

Such forms as Dnj?| 'boves,' D*niq 'thickets,' D^jq 'forces,' 
D^jji 'bucks,' a> 1$ c cities,' when compared with the more organic 
form of such stems as seen in D*t?1£> 'whips,' CV'P 'thorns,' D?S 
'terebinth-trees,' show the influence of the analogy of the form 

In the different forms of the verba mediae geminatae (or WV 
verbs) there are many forms which seem to point to an original 
bi-consonantal stem, e. g. no, while others are formed as if there 
were three original firm and equally legitimate stem-consonants, 
22D. The former are the more organic, more in accordance with 
Hebrew phonetic law ; the latter are analogical. 

Thus by the side of such forms as PI 'he has beaten small,' OH 
'he is warm,' and ">P 'it is bitter,' we have other forms with the 
second stem-consonant repeated. TT3 'he has plundered,' Bpn 
'he is warm,' T!£ 'he has measured,' 23D <h e jj as surrounded.' 

After the same analogy we have substantives such as Dtp"3 <ter ~ 
ror,' the plural E*P9? 'nations' 1 by the side of the more organic 
form Dna». 

So also in the construct infinitive we have such forms as TT3 'to 
cut,' 230? Numb. 21.4 'to compass,' Tim. ' to make strong,' TTlV 'to 
bind up,' Dbp Is. 10. 18 'to melt away,' ^np 'to spoil ' Jer. 47. 4, 
"B? 'to spoil,' by the side of the more organic forms 2D» TW» ?i. 

So also the imperfect 1H* (stem "l"n) ' to flee from ' and J^n.J from 
the stem pn 'to be gracious,' by the side of the more organic IT. 
1 Cf. Noldeke, Mand. Gramm. §132 ; Syr. Gramm. §§21 D and 93. 



24 

In Hebrew all forms with the (so-called) Dagesh forte impli- 
citum, especially in the Piel, Pual, and Hithpael of verbs whose 
second stem-consonant is a guttural, are analogical. The phonetic 
law is that the guttural cannot be doubled. Then the short vowel 
preceding the guttural must be lengthened because it stands in 
an open unaccented syllable. Cases where this is not done, e. g. 
"W? 'he has consumed,' Y#) 'he has despised,' ""^ 'he has rejected' 
are based on the analogy of ?©i?. 

The "virtual doubling" of the gutturals is a fiction of the 
grammarians. 

Class I. 
Division C. 

Forms of the strong stem after the analogy of forms from weak 
stems. 

One of the most remarkable cases where the form of the strong 
verb has been influenced by the weak verb in Hebrew is the long 
accented z-vowel in the final syllable of the Hiphil or causative. 
So Bickell, §47 : " The remarkable transition of /, which has 
arisen from a to i in the Hiphil, has perhaps originated according 
to an erroneous analogy from the conjugation of the verbs mediae 
v.y., where this i is phonetically legitimate." Compare also Stade, 
Hebrew Grammar, §91. Konig's criticism (Lehrgeb'aude, §27. 4), 
that the basis is too narrow, and that it is too bold to explain a 
form of the regular verb by a single form of the irregular verb, 
is hardly borne out when we consider the prevalence and power 
of analogy. See Delbriick, Einleitung in das Sprachstudium, 
p. 108, where the case is cited that four Old Slavonic verbs, Jesmi, 
vemi, damz, Janzi, have effected that in New Slovenian and New 
Servian all the verbs of all classes of conjugation end in m in the 
first person singular number. 

In some forms of the intensive from tri-consonantal stems, 
where it is formed by the repetition of the third stem-consonant, 
we may have the influence of the analogy of originally bi-conso- 
nantal stems where such forms are organic. Such are ty$P Job 
3. 18 'they are at ease,' ^/P^ 'they languish.' 

Under this head may be placed also those plural forms of 
modern Syriac in which the stem of the singular is enlarged by 
the repetition of the final stem-consonant (Nold. Neus. Sprache, 
p. 143, §72). These are probably, as Noldeke remarks, based on 



25 

such plural forms as 'amamin, Hebrew D*P£^ : . The instances of 
this kind are given by Noldeke loc. cit. Among them are vhh'Q 
{miltiti) 'words,' KDD13 {birkakg) 'knees,' KBfi&B (tilpdpf) 'eye- 
lashes.' 

Under this head may also be placed those cases where a pho- 
netic process, starting under certain fixed conditions, was after- 
wards applied to stems where these conditions did not exist. In 
such cases the strong or regular verb leaves its normal paradigm 
or type and follows the analogy, not exactly of a weak stem, but 
of a stem whose stem-consonants, although strong and firm, still 
have some peculiarity which causes a change in the inflection. 

The Semitic verb forms its reflexive by a prefixed it or ta. In 
Ethiopic it is ta. In Hebrew the form of the reflexive prefix is 
r>n. In stems beginning with a sibilant the n of this reflexive 
prefix is transposed so as to come after the sibilant instead of 
before it. Thus, from TOSP 'to keep,' 'to watch,' the imperfect 
reflexive is 1©5p? 'he will observe (for himself).' This mode of 
forming the reflexive from stems beginning with a sibilant by 
means of an infixed instead of prefixed / is found in nearly all 
the Semitic languages. In Arabic and Assyrian, however, this 
mode of forming the reflexive by means of infixed t {ta or tau) 
is not confined to stems beginning with a sibilant, but the reflexive 
particle is universally infixed. 1 In this case the strong proba- 
bility is that it was not so in the primitive form of the language, 
but that it started, as in Hebrew, with the stems beginning with a 
sibilant, and then the influence of these formations gradually 
spread until it included all stems. 

Only two other explanations are possible ; either the primitive 
Semitic form was indifferently prefixed or infixed t, or else it was 
universally infixed, and became prefixed in Hebrew, Aramaic, etc., 
except in the case of stems beginning with a sibilant. Praetorius, 
in his article "Athiopische Grammatik und Etymologie," in the 
first number of the Beitrage zur Assyriologie, edited by Delitzsch 
and Haupt (p. 25 and note), says that it is not unlikely that the 
reflexive t was originally infixed in Ethiopic. The proof of this 
which he cites, however, in the case of kaddna 'texit ' seems very 
weak. 

1 In Assyrian the t is infixed not only in the reflexive derived from the Qal 
(iptdlix), but also in the reflexive derived from the intensive stem (uptallix). 
In the latter formation the t is prefixed in Arabic (V and VI), not infixed as in 
the eighth form. 



26 

Delitzsch, on the other hand (Assyrian Grammar, §83), remarks 
that the reflexive prefix was originally prefixed and not infixed, 
and that traces of this prefixing are still found in Assyrian. This, 
too, favors the position that the change from prefix to infix first 
took place in the case of stems beginning with a sibilant, to avoid 
cacophony, and was then, by the force of analogy, extended to 
all stems. 

A similar case of the extension of a phonetic change beyond 
its organic limits by the process of analogy is found in Amharic, 
in the linguistic phenomenon known as 'palatalization' 1 (German, 
Mouillirung), in which the pronunciation of a consonant is 
affected by a certain liquid modification occasioned sometimes by 
a following z, /, or ^, and sometimes also taking place without 
the influence of these sounds. In the cases where the palataliza- 
tion is occasioned by the sounds mentioned, certain modifications 
in vocalization are phonetically legitimate. In some cases, how- 
ever, these changes in vocalization take place where they are not 
organic, but analogical. There is no /, /, or ^-sound to occasion 
them, yet the language acts as though there were, simply because 
the phenomenon of palatalization is usually accompanied by these 
sounds. 

In the pronominal suffix of the 3d person plural, masculine or 
feminine, dtjdw, for instance, the liquid modification of the / is 
not occasioned by a following i,j> or £ sound. Yet the language 
acts as though there must be a latent ^-sound, and in some cases 
places it there ; so in the form bilaljiw 'when he told them.' 

So also it often happens that a stem which originally ended in 
w or j lost its final stem-consonant in the modern Amharic by a 
process of phonetic decay. The theme thus shortened is simply 
inflected as though it never had another stem-consonant, or else 
a trace of the vanished final j is left in the palatalization of the 
preceding stem-consonant. In some cases, however, where this 
palatalization has taken place without the influence of a final/ the 
language proceeds on the presumption that there must have 
existed such a final stem-consonant. Thus the verb manatja 
never existed in the form manataja, yet it forms its imperfect, not 
imantj, as it should do, but imanatj, as though there were a final 
stem-consonant j. See this whole matter fully treated and illus- 
trated in Praetorius, Amharische Sprache, p. 45, §23b, and pp. 
237-240, §200. 

1 Cf. Beitr. z. Assyr. I 257, n. 9. 



2/ 

Class II. 

Analogical formations involving changes and confusion in 
vocalization. 

In Semitic we distinguish in the nominal formations between sub- 
stantives of internal formation (Stade : Nomina innerer Bildung ; 
Barth : Schlichte Nomina) and substantives of external formation 
(N. a'usserer Bildung). Substantives of external formation are 
formed either by prefixes or by suffixes. 

Substantives formed directly from the stem without consonantal 
additions are divided into different classes according to differ- 
ences in their vocalization. 

According to Barth, Nominalbildung, these different nominal 
formations in Semitic exhibit many instances of the analogical 
influence of one form or class of forms upon another in the matter 
of vocalization. 

The following is a brief and summary statement of the funda- 
mental positions of his book : 

The nominal formations of Semitic are formed either from the 
perfect or from the imperfect verb-stems. 

There are three classes of perfect verb-stems, distinguished by 
three characteristic vowels, d, z, it. Forms with a are transitive. 
Forms with / and u are intransitive. Each of these classes of 
perfect-stems gives rise to a corresponding class of nominal forma- 
tions likewise distinguished by the three characteristic vowels, a 
for the transitive, and i and u for the intransitive. 

There are also three classes of imperfect stems, distinguished 
likewise by the three characteristic vowels u and i for the transi- 
tive, a for the intransitive. Each of these three classes, again, 
gives rise to a corresponding class of nominal formations. 

In many of these nominal formations we observe that the char- 
acteristic vowel of the class to which it belongs has been correctly 
maintained. These call for no further attention. In other cases, 
however, we find that a change has taken place. That is to say, 
the verbal stem, either perfect or imperfect, as it now exists, has 
a different vowel from that of the corresponding nominal forma- 
tion. In cases such as these there are two possible explanations. 
Either, in the original form of the language the verbal stem 
existed in two forms with two different characteristic vowels, one 
of which subsequently ceased to be used, surviving, however, 
in the corresponding nominal formation ; or else the anomalous 
characteristic vowel of nominal formation is the result of analogy. 



28 

I have noted the following cases as cited by Barth : 

§ 17/3. Intransitive nominal forms of the form qidiill, legitimate 
when formed from ^-perfects, but sometimes also found derived 
from /-perfect stems. Thus 'umudd (perf. z) 'full of youthful 
strength.' 

Sometimes intransitive adjectives of this form are formed from 
transitive stems. Thus sumull 'hard, firm,' kubunn 'avaricious.' 

P. 36, §24. Intransitive nominal forms of the form qidl derived 
from /-perfects. 

In Arabic : 

zuhd from zahida 'to be white, glossy.' 

husr 'loss' from hasira 'to lose.' 

'ujb from 'ajiba 'to be astonished.' 

ruhb from rahiba 'to fear.' 

rugb 'avidity, voracity' from ragiba 'to wish, desire.' 

In Hebrew: 

I»N 'faithfulness,' from |P« (?) 'to be faithful.' 

"ipn 'want' from "ipn 'to want.' 

In Syriac: 

tfjri 'anger' from \Y\ 'to be angry.' 

KJBttJ from \$U 'to be strong, heavy.' 

K37?^ from IB& 

K3C»i 'laughter' from TO 'to laugh.' 

tfpfe from D^p 'to be whole.' 

K|?ttJ 'length' from pm 

Barth, p. 43, §28c. Instances of the form ^/z/ intransitive from 
^-perfect stems. 

sarV ' rapid ' from saru'a 'to hasten.' 

7#/zVhard' from jaluda 'to be hard, firm.' 

karim ' noble ' from karuma. 

kabir ' old ' from kabura. 

kabira, fut. #, 'to be advanced in age,' is, however, also given 
in the dictionaries. 

katir ' many ' from katura. 

l azim 'great, large, immense, huge' from 'azuma. 

In the Targums: 

TV 'dry,' -p£> 'quiet,' yen 'sleeping,' 765>n 'dark,' from stems 
having u in the perfect. 

The same phenomenon is observed in nominal derivatives from 
imperfect stems (see page 96, §64d,e). Thus the Hebrew infini- 
tive ?bp : is formed not only from ^-imperfect stems, where it is 



2 9 

organic, but also from intransitive verbs with ^-imperfect, e. g. 
P\'to sleep,' 3HK 'to love,' ^H 'to cease,' *W? 'to hate,' «T 'to 
fear.' These are clearly the result of analogy. In other cases, 
however, we must consider the possibility that in a previous 
period of the language the two forms with two different charac- 
teristic vowels existed side by side, the one having survived in 
the present form of the verb-stem, the other in the corresponding 
nominal formation. 

Thus in Hebrew imperfect a is the regular imperfect of stems 
having a guttural as second or third stem-consonant, while the 
corresponding nominal forms often point to an original u or i 
form. Such are ?J? 'to strike,' *\V] 'to be angry,' vfrf 'to send.' 
So also transitive qitl forms in Arabic from verbs mediae guttu- 
ralis which now have only imperfect a.fil'^oX'sihn 'charm,' 
rihle 'passage, journey.' Here it is more probable that the 
uniform ^-imperfects are themselves the result of a later modifica- 
tion under the influence of analogy. 

So also in the case of transitive nominal forms of the form 
qdttl or qiftl derived from the imperfect stems. 

The imperfect i itself has been mostly crowded out by the 
prevailing analogy of the ^-imperfects, while the original vowel 
has often been preserved in the corresponding nominal formation, 
especially the infinitive. (See Barth in ZDMG 43, 177-91.) 

The following instances are given. Infinitives with suffixes : 

onrjp (-129 'to sell'), D^pa, n;u£ 

Infinitives without suffixes: "lfe$2 Deut. 26. 12 'to tithe'; also 
the noun "VVp 'tenth'; YTtfb 'to help' 2 Sam. 18. 3 (Kethibh), 
Y?d2 'to receive a portion.' 

Sometimes even when the z-imperfect was preserved, and not 
crowded out by the prevailing analogy of the ^-imperfect, its 
nature was misunderstood and this misunderstanding led to further 
analogical formations. 

In many cases the language mistakenly assumed them to be 
Hiphil-imperfects, with which they completely coincided in form, 
and then by analogy produced other Hiphil forms to correspond 
with them. 

So especially in the case of stems y 'V. 

From DT>P1> ^> etc., were formed the Hiphil-forms V2D, 
wbD, vnnp, pyip, Trn, e tc. 

The same thing took place in case of the other stems. 
According to Barth (op. cit. p. 119, §78a) : Whenever a transi- 



30 

tive form qitl of any stem points to an original /-imperfect, and 
when this stem occurs in some languages in the Qal-form, but in 
others only in the Hiphil, the presumption is that this Hiphil is 
of secondary formation, based on a misconception of the original 
/-imperfect. Thus the common Semitic form T3T, Arabic dikr, 
Ass. zikru points to an original /-imperfect stem Jazkir; compare 
Aramaic "13*1? with a on account of 1. 

As, however, this /-imperfect has disappeared from the Qal in 
Hebrew, it is probable that it was retained as a Hiphil, and then 
the other Hiphil forms were formed as a later analogical develop- 
ment. 

Arab, liadana 'to take in the arms' has at present only the 
^-imperfect. From this we have Hebrew |> % n 'arm, bosom,' 
and Arab, hudne 'embrace.' But the Hebrew ^¥0 and Arab. 
hid?i point to an original /-imperfect. 

From ^21 'reverse, contrary,' and npaq 'overthrow,' we infer 
the former existence of a form IIPO- as j^^/-imperfect. This is 
not found now in north-Semitic. But Syriac has Aphel in the 
same sense as Hebrew and Syriac Qal. Compare also Hebrew 
Tjsrin Job 30. 15, which presupposes the Hiphil. In the same 
manner the noun siqi (watering) and the imperfect iasqi explain 
the formation of the later Hiphil, flgpn and Aram. W£, 
resulting in crowding out the Qal which must have existed at a 
former period ; cf. ^\?P, Syriac KJVj?E> etc. 

So also the Hebrew V91 'libation,' form qatil, Deut. 32. 28, 
points to an original /-imperfect. Hence VP** Ps. 16. 4, *J©!1 Gen. 
35. 14 are regarded by Barth as originally /-imperfects Qal. Being 
erroneously regarded as Hiphil-imperfects they furnished the 
basis for further analogical Hiphil-formations. Another case is 
**Di?*i- Being regarded as a Hiphil-imperfect it furnished the basis 
for further analogical Hiphil-formations, but H?nf?# DvnjpD, and 
ntPDjpp point to an original /-imperfect of the Qal. 

P. 116, §77a, 3. In Arabic the transitive form qitle is formed 
organically from /-imperfect verb-stems to express the mode or 
manner of the action expressed by the verb. After this meaning 
had become established for this form it was extended by the force 
of analogy to verbs of every class. 

P. 126, §82. Transitive nominal formations qiitfd, q at '&l formed 
from the imperfect. 

Where such formations exist from stems which at present do 
not have u as the characteristic vowel of the imperfect we must 



3i 

again, as elsewhere, distinguish two cases ; either at an earlier 
period the w-imperfect existed side by side with an i- or «-imper- 
fect, and was gradually displaced, or else the ^-nominal forma- 
tions are the result of analogy. Instances of the former case are 
seen where the Arabic has only /-imperfect while Hebrew and 
Syriac have ^-imperfect ; so Arabic huluk ; ^?D! and jp&/#r. But 
many such cases are probably the effect of analogy. 

The following are instances of infinitives of this class where 
there existed no corresponding ^-imperfect : 

uutilb from uataba 'to leap.' 

iiurfid from uarada 'to arrive.' 

uujUd from uajada 'to find.' 

iiuj-tib from uajaba 'to be necessary.' 

uu' ill from ucCala 'to seek refuge in.' 

uuj&z from uajaza 'to be brief.' 

P- !35. §85d. The infinitive qatil is used to form collectives. 
Organically it belongs, of course, to z'-im perfects, but it is often 
found where there is no corresponding /-imperfect, especially to 
denote collectives of the names of animals. So kalib 'dogs,' 
da" in 'sheep,' mctiz 'goats,' naqid ' cattle.' 

e. In Ethiopic the infinitive qatil has become the regular verbal 
infinitive for every class of verbs, and as such is formed from all 
the different conjugations. This analogical extension of the 
infinitive form qatil has completely crowded out the old parallel 
form qatil. 

f. So also in later Hebrew (Mishna) the feminine n^ttp, used 
to denote abstract notions is formed without regard to the char- 
acter of the stem. The instances given are, nD^Dn, rip*TB# n?*31 

r\w>, htdKp nnw. vofox\, n«»i. 

P. 144, §92. Transitive qattlat. In the case of the words nil$j and 
n ?!P we are unable to determine whether we have the evidence 
of a former /-imperfect of these stems, or analogical formations 
induced by the signification of the same form from other stems. 

P. 174, §I22C. Speaking of the active participial form qdtdl 
(or qattiV) he says that a genetical connection with the infinitive 
qiittil is beyond question, and both go back in their origin to the 
^-imperfect. But just as it was shown (in paragraph 82 B of this 
same work) that the infinitive qiitHl was often formed analogically 
when there appears no w-imperfect, so also tire participial form 
qdtiil is used to form an active participle from a number of stems 
which show only the /-imperfect; so darUb (by the side of dariU) 



32 

'striking,' hattif 'buzzing, sounding, clanging,' gastim 'violent' 
(but gasama is given with w-imperfectj, kasllb 'gaining, ac- 
quiring.' 

P. I75,§i22a, note I. Instances of active participles of the form 
qatM formed from stems having /-perfects, through the influence 
of analogy. 

In Arabic : daliHk 'laughing,' 'amfil 'doing,' icCiis ' despairing.' 

In Hebrew: £?s: ^fe> 2 Sam. 5. 8 and 21 nn-in^ Hosea 3. 1, are 
cited as instances of this form. 

From the Mishna, pplDtfn 'busying themselves,' Para 4. 4, 
naiD3n rPT 'dripping olive,' Pea 7. 1 Tip^n 'be watchful,' Ab. 
2. 14 »nB> 'dwelling,' etc. 

P. 178, §i23a. The form qdtdl as passive participle is formed in 
Hebrew from all stems indiscriminately. 

P. 186, §i26a. The participial form qdtil organically connected 
with /-imperfects is formed in Arabic from verbal stems of every 
kind. 

d. In Aramaic this form has become the regular passive parti- 
ciple, and as such is formed from every transitive verb. 

P. 201, §i36b. Participle qdtil. This form arises from the 
transitive /-imperfect. The form from the /-imperfect, rather than 
that formed from the z<:-imperfect, became the prevailing one 
through the influence of the forms of the participle in the derived 
conjugations, which show an /-vowel after the second stem -con- 
sonant. 

The only difference between the participle of the Qal and that 
of the derived conjugations lies in the fact that the latter prefix an 
m, while the former, not taking the prefix, lengthen the vowel of 
the first syllable. 

After this form was established as the participle of the transi- 
tive /-imperfect, it was extended to all transitive imperfect stems, 
and also to those stems which are intransitive in structure but 
transitive in meaning. In a few cases it is extended to verb-stems 
intransitive in meaning. 

Arabic, dmin 'sure,' sdlim 'safe,' dd'td 'far.' 

Eth. rdte 'true.' 

Aram. ;Vr[ 'fearing,' N^n 'rejoicing.' 

Heb. n?.?lT 'base, abject.' 

I have stated these principles and given these illustrations just 
as they are given by Barth. I must say, however, that to my 
mind his whole position and the value of all his discussions are 



33 

extremely doubtful. For, first, as he himself admits in many 
places, we do not know how far these forms, which apparently 
show a different vowel from that of the form from which he 
derives them under the influence of analogy, may go back to 
other forms which no longer exist, but which, when existing, had 
the same vowel as the nominal formation derived from them. 

The whole of §100, for instance, on the imperfect infinitives of 
the derived conjugation is made extremely uncertain by the 
admission which he rightly makes, that formerly these imperfects 
may have shown an u as well as an /-vowel. This but shows how 
uncertain the whole matter is, far too uncertain, in fact, to form the 
basis of scientific investigations and conclusions. 

But again, I do not see that he establishes with any degree of 
certainty the fundamental position of his whole book, viz. that all 
the nominal formations must be referred either to the perfect or 
imperfect verb-stems, whose characteristic vowel will normally be 
the characteristic vowel of the corresponding nominal formation, 
and that all deviations therefrom are the result of analogy. Why 
should all nominal formations necessarily come through the chan- 
nels of the perfect and imperfect verb-stems ? Why can they 
not be referred directly to the simple ground-stem, without the 
intervention of the perfect or imperfect verb-stems ? These are 
questions not satisfactorily answered by Barth, while they are 
suggested by the many deviations from the principle which he 
seeks to establish. 



34 



PART III. 

Besides such analogical formations as have just been presented 
and discussed, there are also many such formations in the inflec- 
tion of the substantives. In the various processes of inflection, 
such as the formation of the construct, emphatic, plural, and in 
the addition of pronominal suffixes, each class is governed by its 
own peculiar laws. In a great many cases the law of the group 
maintains itself and no confusion occurs. But from the nature of 
the case, considering the subtle nature of these formations and 
distinctions, we might expect occasional confusion and transitions 
from One class or type to another, in other words, metaplasms and 
analogical formations. And such, on examination, we find to be 
the case. Thus, according to Stade (§191), in Hebrew the nomi- 
nal forms gat I, git I, gut I form their plurals after the analogy of 
the forms gatal, gital, gutal. 1 

On these plural formations last mentioned, however, we have 
an interesting dissertation by Mr. W. H. Salter Brooks, " Vestiges 
of the Broken Plural in Hebrew " (Dublin, 1883). The object of 
this paper is to show that the stems qatl, gitl, gutl formed their 
plurals originally without any plural termination whatever, but 
simply by internal vowel changes, thus : gatal, which became 
gatdl, qital or git&l, gutal or gutdl, exactly like the corresponding 
Arabic internal or broken plurals. According to this view, then, 
the plural of these words is sufficiently indicated by these internal 
vowel changes. But subsequently, owing to the tendency to 
vowel corruption and obscuration, these distinctions were not 
sharp enough and clear enough to distinguish between the singu- 
lar and plural. Thus at first the Hebrew would have presented 
the scheme : 

s. ba'l. pi. bcCal ' lord.' 
s. rumh. pi. rumah 'spear.' 

But owing to the presence of the guttural consonant, the singulars 
were bound to become bdal, rumah, and actually did so, that is, 
become identical with the plurals. Hence, in such cases, the 

1 Cf. Haupt, Beitrage zur assyr. Lautlehre (Gottingen, 1883), P* %9> n - 3 5 
Praetorius in Beitrage zur Assyriologie, Vol. I (Leipzig, 1890), pp. 374-7. 



35 

addition of the external sign of the plural was necessary in order 
to distinguish the singular from the plural. But after it was added 
to such forms, the language lost sight of the distinction between 
singular and plural sufficiently maintained by vowel changes, and 
gave to the external or sound plural formation universal exten- 
sion. 

The application of the external plural sign in these cases, there- 
fore, is not to be regarded as organic, but as the result of analogy. 
On this view of the matter we have here an instance of analogical 
formations Class III, D, the addition of formative elements where 
they do not belong. 

In Aramaic and Syriac substantives of the type qatl sometimes 
form their absolute and construct state after the analogy of the 
type qatil. The organic form reappears in the emphatic state. 
(See Haupt in Hebraica, Vol. I, p. 228, note i.) 1 

Thus in Syriac we have the regular normal forms in 

Fffl (for t&rcT) Wf» ■' door.' 

">3S (for pdgdr) K*tja < corpse.' 

But B*S3 'soul' stands for napis (form qatil). The emphatic 
K£^ is syncopated from ndpisd. 

So also *|H?' K?J?3 'shoulder,' and ^P T /J 'king,' etc. 

On the other hand, the ground-form of ?V2 'lord,' is bcCl (type 
qatl), construct bcCal y and from this we ought to have, by the 
laws of Syriac phonology, the form ^4, and the z-vowel of the 
second syllable is due to the analogy Of forms like &>&?, ^^\ in 
other words, a metaplasm from the type qatl to the type qatil. 

So also D-i> Kp-13 'stomach,' rh**whk 'image,' KVQ> xvyp 
'reason,' etc. 

Again, all vowel changes in the stems of words are governed 
by regular phonetic laws. (See, e. g. the laws of Hebrew vowel 
changes in Stade, §73 fg.). But in individual cases analogy often 
plays an important part. In such cases an individual is trans- 
ferred from one group to another, or a phonetic process is taken 
out of its legitimate sphere and applied to cases where it is not 
legitimate. 

An example is given in Stade, §78b. 

A long ^-vowel of primitive Semitic generally appears in 
Hebrew as 6 (Stade, §77a). But an original w-vowel may also 
appear in Hebrew as 6. This <?-vowel, therefore, in Hebrew may 

1 Cf. Lagarde, Bildung der Nomina, pp. 73 and 74, also Beitr. z. Assyri- 
ologie, I 325 and 375. 



36 

represent either an original & or an original w-vowel. In cases 
where it represents an original w-vowel it is quite correctly short- 
ened to o when it stands in a closed syllable. But in cases where 
it represents an original & such a shortening is manifestly out of 
place, and is produced only by the force of the analogy of other 
forms where this change is phonetically legitimate. 

Instances are D^f from wh& 'three,' Wrq from ri^n; 'cop- 
per/ "inp from ^ntp 'purity.' 

Shortening of such vowels to u is likewise analogical, as in 
DVl^ru D^tTjn 'scribes' from Db"jn. 

The shortening of the i-vowel in the word P^7 « tongue,' con- 
struct \W{, is also analogical, the stem of flV^ being W. (See 
Haupt in Hebraica, Vol. I, p. 178, note 4; also Beitrage zur 
Assyriologie, I 165, 166 and 324.) 

In the Hophal from stems V'tf such as <W from the stem >1D 
'to be long,' D|?-in from the stem W 'to stand,' the short $-vowel 
of the final syllable is not organic, but due to the analogy of the 
strong verb. Compare also •irip-in ' they were killed,' stem HID, and 
■IfcO-in 'they were brought in,' stem K12. 

Again, in the vowel changes which a word undergoes in receiv- 
ing pronominal suffix. 3 we find cases of the influence of analogy. 

Take, for example, the substantive of the form qatal (which in 
Hebrew appears as ?9R' " l ?7) with pronominal suffixes. 

The following is the law of vowel change as stated by Bickell 
(p. 77> §105; : 

" The vowels before the suffixes are changed entirely according 
to universal vocal laws. The pretonic syllable should be height- 
ened. The syllables at a greater distance from the tone should 
be volatilized, and open syllables which stand before a half-vowel 
should retain their short vowel. Only the suffix ka forms an 
exception to the latter rule> before which a is heightened in the 
antepenult." 

Thus from ~^% (type qatal) 'word,' we have ^l. 'my word,' 
Tiyi 'his word,' D?W 'your word,' but T£\ 'thy word.' 

This heightening of the vowel a before the suffix ^ as com- 
pared with the short vowel before B? is due to the analogy of the 
contiguous forms "H?^' ^191' ^9\ 

The distinction between 1 as light suffix and &?» 1? as grave 
suffixes is a mere fiction of the grammarians. 

For instances of the influence of analogy in the affixing of pro- 
nominal suffixes in Syriac see Noldeke, Syriac Grammar, §145 E. 



37 

Another case of unwarranted application of phonetic processes 
under the influence of analogy is given by Stade, §3550. 

The organic form of substantives derived from n"? stems with 
the suffix of the 2d pers. masc. is seen in T,? 'thy teacher' (stem 
nY), spjrjO 'thy army' (stem run), spjj?p 'thy flock' (stem n:p), 
T$? 'thy maker' (stem POT). 

In other cases an analogical shortening has taken place, based 
on the analogy of TJR in Pause and out of Pause X#\ So we 
have in Pause X& 'thy field,' but out of Pause T]?. So also 
itffto 'thy rod' (stem ntM) sjjjjp, sjg 'thy dwelling' (st. ™) T)?P- 
Gen. 48. 4 Hiph. Prtcpl. stem ma, ^-^P. Piel Prtcpl. stem nw 
'to command.' 

So also in the forms of the verb with suffixes we find instances 
of the influence of analogy in the confusion of vocalization. 

When the suffix of the 2d person sing, ka is affixed to a verbal 
form ending in a consonant it ought to be hard. 

So quite organically in $£9? Jer. 22. 24 ' I will pluck thee ' 
(stem priO). 

But when this same suffix is attached to the 3d person, fern, 
sing, perfect (which never had a final vowel) it is spirated after 
the analogy of the same suffix attached to the masculine, where the 
spiration is organic because this form ended originally in a vowel. 
In other words, gdtdldt-kd was understood as standing for qdtd- 
Idtd-kd, because qdtdl-kd stood for original qdtdld-kd. 

On the other hand, forms with hard 1 have influenced analogically 
forms which should have been spirated. 

So 33.13 Deut. 24. 13 'he has blessed thee.' 

Of a similar nature is the application of the pausal form of the 
suffix with a hard 1 to substantives. 

So 3*3 Prov. 25. 16 'thy sufficiency.' 

7\W?, Deut. 8. 5 Piel Prt. 'thy instructor.' 

$m gj» (stem ruiT) 'thy answerer.' 

3i?$ 'to justify thee' Job 33. 32 (Piel Inf.). 

3.??P? Deut. 23. 5 Piel Inf. 'to curse thee.' 

Examples of forms with spirated "I where it ought to have been 
hard : 

"W?^. 'she consumed thee.' 

VT^J 'she bore thee.' 

irtan Cant. 8. 5 'she brought thee forth.' 

A similar case is pointed out by Bickell, §113. The imperative 
had no final vowel even in primitive Semitic. ;V>p.=qtul=qutul. 



38 

"But," says Bickell, "the Hebrew forms with suffixes presup- 
pose a final i=u> as in the future." In other words, the form of 
the imperative with suffixes is based on the analogy of the imper- 
fect with suffixes. 

Examples are : 

•ini!?y 'serve him/ 

*aajg 'give him,' stem H"0. 

VH& ' bear him,' stem Kfa. 

•inr^T ' know him,' stem 1H\ 

•in|?na 'let him go.' 

wyp« 'strengthen him.' 

•in|5;tn 'strengthen him.' 

On the other hand, in Aramaic the organic form appears with- 
out any vowel, thus ^?V.f Dan. 2. 24 ' bring me in/ stem ??!>, aphel; 
cf. Noldeke in ZDMG 38, 408. 

In his Vergleichende Studien III (ZDMG 43, 181) Barth has 
given us a treatise on analogical changes observed in the vocali- 
zation of the imperative and imperfect of some verbs. 

The following is a brief summary of his view : 

The imperative is formed from the imperfect. Corresponding 
to the three classes of imperfects, therefore, distinguished by the 
three characteristic vowels u, a, and /, there must have been three 
imperatives, u, a, and /. The w-imperative becomes ?bp s ; the a- 
imperative is seen in 2H^ • the /-imperative is seen in |fi» 3G£ 
and 11 

All the forms of the 2d pers. fern. sing, which have the charac- 
teristic /-vowel point to an original /-imperfect. In the imperfect 
the vowel has been mostly changed to u through the influence of 
other ^-imperfects. In the imperative, on the other hand, it has 
been maintained. This explains the forms HPtf 'speak,' H?P 'sell,' 
*"??f 'pass,' n?H 'gird,' ^W 'pour,' »BP« 'collect,' ^n 'uncover.' 

The /-vowel in these imperative forms, therefore, is an indica- 
tion of the original /-vowel in the corresponding imperfect forms, 
just as forms like *??p 'rule,' *t?p 'exult,' point to an original u- 
vowel. 

So also in the 2 pers. masc. sing. k}1$1 Prov. 4. 13 'preserve 
her,' and in the forms with n?, such as ni^ 'preserve,' iTJpp 'sell,' 
n ?l? 'arrange,' »iBpK 'collect,' we see an original /-vowel. 

Not so, however, in the 2 pers. masc. pi. Here nearly all the 
forms which originally had the characteristic vowel u now have 
the vowel /. The change has been made under the influence of 
the analogy of those forms where the /-vowel is original. 



39 

Only three cases remain in which the original zZ-vowel has been 
preserved, viz. 

•I3"in from ^in <to be laid waste.' 

»^p from TBto ' to draw.' 

■HI? from "n?> ' to oppress, destroy.' 

For instances of forms of the Assyrian verb where the force of 
analogy has resulted in changes in vocalization, see Haupt, " Der 
Keilinschriftliche Sintfluthbericht," in KAT. 2 68, note 2. 1 By the 
side of the older organic forms of the present, such as ibdlut 'he 
lives,' isdgum 'he cries,' izdnun 'it rains,' we have later analogical 
formations, such as iza?ian i isakan 'he places,' where the vowel of. 
the last syllable has been influenced by the vowel of the preced- 
ing syllable. Delitzsch, however (Assyrian Grammar, §9oa, note, 
also §94, and §115), maintains the contrary view, that izanan is 
the organic and izanitn is the analogical. 2 

Finally, on comparing the vocalization of the Hebrew intensive 
perfect and imperfect with the corresponding forms in Arabic, it 
seems probable that the Hebrew vocalization has been changed 
under the influence of analogy. 

In Arabic qattala, yuqattilu is probably nearer the original in 
form, and more organic, while in Hebrew '®P. the vowel of the 
second syllable has been influenced by ?W\, the imperfect. Com- 
pare Barth, " Nominalbildung," p. xxii fg., also p. 70. 

On this point Dr. Martin Schultze (Zur Formenlehre des 
semitischen Verbums, Wien, 1886, p. 48, §49), remarks that the 
derived stems are undoubtedly younger than the simple stem or 
Qal. It is to be assumed that they first formed the younger 
tense (the so-called imperfect), whose vocalization is the same 
in all the different dialects. But at a subsequent time, when the 
need was felt to form the afformative tense (or perfect), the tribes 
had separated. The older northern Semites retained, without 
reflection, the vowel of the future; the younger Arabs, however, 
chose, more consistently, the vowel of the Qal-Praeterite. 

Class III. 

Analogical formations with reference to the formative elements 
of words. 



1 Cf. Beitrage zur Assyriologie, Vol. I, p. 124. 
2 Cf. Barth in ZA II 377; Zimmern, ZA V 10. 



40 

Division A. 

Mistaking a servile or formative element for part of the stem. 

An interesting case of this kind is described by Stade, Hebrew 
Grammar, §400-2. It is in the formation of the 3d person femi- 
nine singular perfect of the n"? verbs. The ground-form was 
qataiat (compare Arabic radiiaf). This could become either 
q&tat or qdtdj'd. The former has been preserved in r\WV Lev. 25. 
21, stem nbw 'to make.' 

J"pn 2 Kings 9. 37 Kethib, stem n}n 'to be,' and with suffix 

• : t t 

The latter is preserved in TDPi Ps. 57. 2 '(my soul) has fled (for 
refuge).' 

But the form qdtdt was generally regarded as a regular perfect 
tri-consonantal stem ; the servile n was erroneously regarded as a 
stem-consonant. Then, taking the forms qdfla and the pause- 
form qdtdld as models, the feminine ending d was appended, 
giving the form q&tata. This form has been retained in the pause, 
niTO, nnjn, etc. From this, after the analogy of qdt e ld, we have 
the usual form r, fl?\). 

Another case of this kind is seen in the treatment of the Niphal 
of the tf"^-stems. The ground-form is n&katt. The organic form 
is seen in irjj, stem Tin 'to be dry.' 

3M, stem 2!1D, <to turn.' 

?f», stem ^p, 'to be light.' 

But in other cases it is written as though it were the Qal of a 
verb pa, the I preformative being erroneously regarded as a 
stem-consonant. 

So in the pointing 2DJ, 7J3J, DfcM, stem DDD, 'to melt.' 

P> Eccl. 12. 6, stem pn, 'to break.' 

Then, as from TJ3 W e have in the feminine n *^3, so we have 
the feminines ^iJK, stem Pp3, 'to empty.' 

n ?pJ and the plural ^TJ, stem ^T, 'to shake.' 

Sometimes a n, which really is the sign of the feminine, is treated 
as if it were a stem-consonant. 

The examples of this class of analogical formations found in 
Syriac are given by Noldeke, Syriac Grammar, §78 and 80. 

The same thing has taken place in Ethiopic. See Dillman's 
Grammar, §133, and §137, 5b. 

For the Assyrian examples of this class see Haupt, SFGM 73 ; J 
also Delitzsch, Assyrian Grammar, §69. 

1 Cf., however, Haupt, Beitrage zur Assyriologie, Vol. I, p. 16. 



4i 

mutt&ti, pi. of muttu. 

Midi, pi. oilHu 'night' (st. rt*6). 

isitdte, pi. oiisitu 'pillar.' 1 

On the Hebrew nirta, nWj?, etc., consult Am. Journ. Phil. XII 
37 ; also Barth, in ZDMG 41, 605-607, and Nominalbildung, p. 4b. 

In Syriac the formations IJ-' HU Krrt- from nouns in ^ril-, are 
organic only in derivatives from stems l"?, so ^O^, pl« H?}.?^ 
' image.' 

In forms like ■13?D# Kfll^D 'kingdom,' the ending n-1, which is 
merely a formative, is treated after the analogy of those words 
where it forms part of the stem. 

It might be expected that languages, starting out, as do the 
ancient Semitic, with a sharp distinction between stem-consonant 
and servile or formative element, would in the course of time and 
a development extending over more than a thousand years, lose 
the sharpness of this distinction and incorporate elements which 
originally were formative as part of the stem. This expectation 
is borne out in the study of the Amharic, the Mandean, and the 
modern Syriac. 

See Dr. Martin Schultze, " Zur Formenlehre des semitischen 
Verbs," p. 43, §45. 

Thus in Praetorius, "Amharische Sprache," pp. 130-140, under 
the title " Wurzelerweiterung ," we have a study of those stems 
of the Amharic language which have been extended beyond the 
original three stem-consonants, mainly by incorporating and 
reckoning as part of the stem those consonants which originally 
were formative. 

In many cases, however, as is pointed out by Praetorius, the 
incorporation of the formative element is preceded by the loss of 
one or more of the original stem-consonants, so that the formative 
element is taken as a compensation for this loss, and the appear- 
ance of having three stem-consonants is restored. 

The other methods of extending the original stem, viz. by 
doubling the original bi-consonantal stem, and by other additions, 
or by a repetition of one of the original stem-consonants of the 
tri-consonantal stem, do not, of course, come up for consideration 
in this paper. We are concerned only with those cases men- 
tioned by Praetorius as constituting the third method of extending 
the stem, namely, by incorporating a nominal, pronominal or 

1 Cf. Lotz, Tiglathpileser, pp. no, 56 and 155, 27. 



42 

verbal formative element, or even a preposition, as part of the 
stem. I add a list of the cases mentioned by Praetorius, referring 
to his work, however, for their fuller discussion. 

The causative prefix a is treated as a stem-consonant in the 
stems amara as if it were a simple stem primae gutturalis ; but 
in reality it has arisen from 'amara, the causative of a stem 
med. gtctt. 

So also 'addga 'to grow.' 

'asaldma ' to be a Mohammedan.' 

A more doubtful case is 'ardsa ' to moisten.' 

The causative prefix sa or its modification sa is treated as a 
stem consonant in the following words : 

sanakala ' to give offence, to be a stumbling-block ' (Anstoss 
erregen). 

shanagala 'to deceive.' 

shamagala 'to become old.' 

shanakara 'to leak.' 

shamatata 'to despise, scorn' (perhaps). 

shamana 'to weave.' 

shaqaba 'to ascend.' 

This seems to have been developed from 'ashaqaba 'to lift up,' 
a second causative from aqaba. 

So in the " Quinqueliterum " shakarakara 'to rise,' and saba- 
raqa 'to shine, sparkle.' 

The following stems have been formed by raising the t of the 
reflexive prefix ia to the dignity of a stem-consonant : 

tafid 'to sleep,' from tanahaya 'to rest oneself, to recover.' 

tanafasa 'to breathe, to take breath.' 

tanakuala 'to be deceitful.' 

tdlala 'to be deceived.' 

talalafa 'to cross.' 

tawdba 'to be beautiful.' 

tarasa forms the new double reflexive tanlarasa 'to support 
one's head by anything.' 

tanabaya 'to prophesy.' 

Perhaps also tdkata 'to be slow, lazy.' 

Sometimes the reflexive t has been weakened to d, and is then 
treated as a stem-consonant. 

So in ddsasa, 'to feel of.' 

Perhaps also daraqa 'to be dry' belongs here, and danaquara 
' to be deaf, senseless.' 

danagara 'to dissuade.' 



43 

Here also Praetorius mentions the Ethiopic danagada 'to 
frighten,' and danagala. 

Nominal formative elements are likewise incorporated as part 
of the stem ; so m in the words mdshara 'to be a bridegroom/ 
from Ethiopic moshar 'a saw.' 

mashaga 'to barricade oneself.' 

marakuaza ' to support.' 

masaqala 'to hang.' 

manazara 'to commit adultery.' 

manatsha ' to spring forth.' 

managaga 'to hold,' or 'to open another's mouth.' 

mdkuata 'to vow.' 

mdraka 'to take captive' (also in Ethiopic). 

mtisana 'to recommend' (also in Ethiopic). 

So the prefix 'a of internal plural formations is reckoned as 
part of the stem in 'amalaka 'to adore God.' 'asamd 'to prac- 
tise witchcraft,' formed from the plural 'asm&t 'witchcraft ' with 
the loss of the t 

So also the nominal suffix t in the words gazata 'to excommu- 
nicate,' from the Ethiopic stem wagaza. 

So perhaps from a noun with the suffix at or ot we have tan&- 
wata ' to offer opposition, to withstand.' 

galamola 'to play the whore,' from gdlamot 'whore.' 

So the consonant n of the abstract ending an in shalatana ' to 
rule.' 

m and / are treated as stem-consonants in malakata 'to denote,' 
from lak y a. 

mogata 'to dispute,' from wag'' a 'to push, to strike.' 

m&lada 'to get up early.' 

So the consonant m of the adjective ending dm is reckoned as 
part of the stem in such words as quaratama ' to have the rheu- 
matism' and taraqama 'to fill up, to stuff' (vollstopferi) and gara- 
mama ' to exercise a horse.' 

Other noteworthy cases are the following : 

zawatara l to continue, go on,' in which the relative za has 
become part of the stem. 

baratd 'to be firm, strong,' in which the preposition ba has 
become part of the stem. 

Praetorius further mentions similar formations in Ethiopic, such 
as la'dla 'to be high,' from Ja-hsV. 

Also bahata and bahtawa 'to be alone,' from ba + 'ahati. 



44 

For a very complicated case of this kind see Praetorius, 
Amharische Sprache, §2o8a, b, c, d. 1 

In an early stage of the language the verbal infinitive of heda 
'to go' united with the auxiliary verb 'a/a 'to be' and the union 
became fixed both in form and in meaning. At a later period, by 
a " false analogy" this form, the result of this union, was considered 
a normal homogeneous verbal stem, and received further modifi- 
cations, so that its origin was much obscured. 

The verbal inf. of heda, which at present, in accordance with 
the regular process of contraction in Amharic, is hido, was for- 
merly haydo. This older form hay do united with a following 'a/a, 
and formed, not haydwd/, which the later phonetic law would 
require, but haydo/a, in accordance with an older law still preva- 
lent in Tigrifia (see Praet. Tigrina Grammar, §48, p. 69), and which 
accordingly we must postulate for the older period of the Am- 
haric. 

hayddla then meant ' he has gone, he has left, he is not here.' 
But in course of time the original meaning of the verbal stem 
'to go' was lost sight of, and the negative element, from being 
merely secondary, came to be regarded as the primary sense ; and 
so the initial hay was regarded as a sort of negative particle. 
Then, in accordance with the analogy of the initial syllable of the 
negative form of the imperfect, hay became 'ay, and finally the 
negative m was attached, 'aydo/am 'he is not.' 

Since, then, the first part of this form, viz. 'aydo, had lost its 
original character as a verbal infinitive, it had to lose at the same 
time the ability to make its suffix correspond to its subject, and 
so it became fixed in the form of the 3d pers. masculine singular. 

The form 'aydo/am had the appearance of a negative imper- 
fect of a stem do/a, only the final a gave it the character of a per- 
fect form. And since the endings of the perfect were assumed 
for all the different persons and numbers, the form of the 3d pers. 
pi. 'aydd/ilm, although having exactly the appearance of a nega- 
tive imperfect, was not able to transfer the whole inflection to the 
imperfect, even though such a transfer was favored by the change 
of the initial hay to 'ay. Also the circumstance that the form 
with the relative is ydydo/a 'who is not,' and not yamdy do/a, shows 
clearly that the form was regarded as a perfect. In this way it 

1 See also Praetorius' Beitrage zur athiopischen Grammatik und Etymologie, 
in Vol. I of Beitrage zur Assyriologie, especially §§1, 2, 6, 52. 



45 

came to pass that this old compound verbal infinitive was inflected 
in a mongrel way, in its initial part having the appearance of a 
negative 3d pers. imperii., and in its final part having the appear- 
ance of a perfect. 

These mongrel forms again have resulted in further analogical 
formations. Being regarded as pure imperfects 3d pers. masc. 
sing, they received the usual pronominal object suffixes, meaning : 
1 it does not belong to us,' or ' you or thee it is not appointed to,' 
etc. Then from this the reflexive taddla ' to be appointed, assigned,' 
was formed, and even the simple ddla imposuit seems to have 
been used, though Praetorius says he never found it in any text. 

Similar cases are found in Tigrina. See Praetorius, Tigrina 
Sprache, §173. 

The reflexive prefix ta is regarded as part of the stem, and from 
the stem thus augmented a new causative is formed by pre- 
fixing 'a. 

See the examples given in Praetorius, Tigrina Sprache, §173. 

The Mandean instances of this kind of analogical formations 
are given in Noldeke's Grammar, p. 84, §74, p. 98, §87. The 
Arabic form asnata ) denominative from sane, sdnat, 'evil year,' 
in which the feminine ending / is regarded as part of the stem. 

In modern Syriac many verbs with \ as a fourth stem-consonant 
are denominatives from nouns which have been formed by adding 
the suffix an to a tri-consonantal stem. The instances are given 
in Nold., Neusyrische Sprache, p. 192, §95. In other quadri- 
literals the first stem-consonant was originally a formative element 
which afterwards came to be treated as part of the stem. Such 
are many beginning with B> and D, such as *6nD 'to change,' 
and "OHD 'to visit,' etc.; others beginning with n, such as nmn 
'to be boiled in pieces'; others beginning with ft, such as D730 
'to take out.' See the cases cited in Nold. op. cit. p. 194, §96. 
Some of these, formed from verbs with weak stem-consonants, 
have the appearance of original tri-consonantal stems. 

So the causatives from stems N"E> and ^"2 and 1"V ; also from 
stems mediae 1\ 

See examples given in Nold. op. cit. p. 228, §108; p. 235, §110. 
Also p. 243, §113; p. 245, §113. 

Finally, we have under this class the somewhat analogous case 
where, not the formative element, but a consonant which is the 
result of a phonetic modification is treated as part of the original 
stem. See an illustration given by Haupt in Hebraica I 226. 



4 6 

The Assyrian ittu 'side' is the feminine of idu 'hand,' and stands 
for idtu. The plural of idtu is idati, but sometimes it is formed 
from ittu, and gives us itdti. 

So also the construct aran 'sin,' from arnu, which is a phonetic 
modification of annu (resolution of the doubling by insertion of" 1 ) 
is such an analogical formation. See Hebraica I, p. 219, note i. 1 

Class III. 
Division B. 

Mistaking a stem-consonant for a servile or formative element. 

We find examples of this kind in Syriac in words in which the 
stem-consonant n is regarded as the sign of the feminine. 

See the examples cited in Noldeke, Syriac Grammar, §86. Also 
in §71, 1, K^-1 Texvlns and NJJSDt? Trraxfi, the J of the ending is 
a stem-consonant, but is treated as though it were a formative 
element. 

The Ethiopic behtew, solus solitarius, becomes in Tigrifia 
behtti. The final u, however, was misunderstood and regarded as 
the suffix of the 3d pers. sing. masc. and the word was thought 
to mean 'he alone.' Hence the other corresponding suffixes were 
added to denote the other persons, genders and numbers. 

behtd 'she alone,' etc. (Praetorius, Tigrifia Sprache, §121, 37). 

Class III. 
Division C. 

Analogical changes in the formative elements themselves. 
Influence of one formative element upon another. 

The analogical changes which take place in the afformatives of 
the perfect in the inflection of the Semitic verb have been so 
thoroughly set forth by Noldeke in an article entitled "Die 
Endungen des Perfects," in ZDMG 38, 407 fg., that the changes 
and formations need only be briefly noticed here, referring to that 
article for a discussion of the whole question. 

In Syriac we have the 3d person plural ending -tin for -^ of the 
other languages, after the analogy of the other plural endings. 
So also in Assyrian we have in the permansive for kasdu some- 
times kasdtini. 

In Arabic the 3d pers. plural feminine qatalna, in place of the 
common Semitic form qatald, shows the influence of the corres- 

1 Cf., however, Zimmern, Babyl. Busspsalmen (Leipzig, 1885), p. 12, 6. 



47 

ponding form of the imperfect, iaqtulna (see Dr. Martin Schultze, 
"Zur Formenlehre des sem. Verbs," p. 18, §15). 

In the 2d person singular masculine the Ethiopic has -ka for 
the common Semitic form -t6i. Noldeke explains this as due to 
the influence of the analogy of the possessive and object suffix of 
the same person. 

It is better, however, to regard it as the influence of the original 
ending of the 1st person sing. -kti, which has been preserved in 
Ethiopic, and which in that language has changed the endings of 
the 2d person masculine and feminine from -td and -ti to -ka and 
-ki, while in the other languages the reverse has taken place, viz. 
-k{i of the first person was changed to -tti under the influence of 
the analogy of the 2d person, while in Hebrew a further analogical 
change took place, t{L being changed to ti under the influence of 
the possessive suffix/. (See Haupt, SFG 52, note 10; Stade, 
§i79a ; Hommel, Semiten, 443, note.) 

In the 3d person plural masculine the Syriac forms in -d before 
suffixes are formed after the analogy of the imperfect forms in -{in 
and -Sn, which retain their original -a before suffixes. 

In the 2d person plural feminine the vowel -u of the Arabic 
ending -tunna is probably after the analogy of the same vowel in 
the corresponding masculine ending. 

So in Ethiopic the pronominal suffix 3d pi. fern, hdn is probably 
after the analogy of the masculine homu. 

In the 1st pers. plural the Hebrew -nti for the common Semitic 
ending -nd is probably due to the influence of -nfi in W}1% 

n^n as pronominal suffix is a late analogical formation and is 
found only with prepositions n®h\2> n^nro (Stade, §348). 

So ^np^p Gen. 1. 21 is based on the analogy of -ln^D. 

As to the analogical changes in the preformative of the imper- 
fect Qal I shall not attempt to discuss them here. See some 
remarks on this subject by Haupt in Beitrage zur Assyriologie, 
Vol. I, p. 17, note 20; also pp. 260,11. 27, and 328. 

Other instances where one formative element has influenced 
another are the following : 

The vowel of the preformative of the Hiphil participle in DW 
(stem E-1P) and 2pft (stem 220') is influenced by the vowel of the 
preformative of the perfect Q S [?D and 2pn. 

According to Stade (§i6ib) the H of the preformative of the 
Hebrew reflexive in ^IWC as compared with the more primitive 
form Ht, is due to the influence of the H preformative of the causa- 
tive. 



4 8 

But the question then arises : to what is the n preformative of 
the causative due, when in Arabic we have hqtala and in Ethiopic 
'agbdra ? 

The form of the ending of the imperfect plural feminine of 
verbs V"V and V'U has probably been influenced by the correspond- 
ing forms of the i" 1 "? verbs. 

Thus n^3Dfl (stem n2D) after the analogy of n:*»W) (stem rOtf 
'to go up.') 

The organic form appears in t P&^? (stem 3-1^ f to turn.') 

The form of the preformative of the perfect Hophal of verbs 
tf"tf and V'U has been influenced by the analogy of the same pre- 
formatives of verbs VS. Dpjn, stem Wp, and ?n-in, stem ??n 'to 
pierce, to begin' after the analogy of Tijin, stem TV, for Til 'to go 
down.' 

A case of this class is cited by Dr. Rosenberg in "Das arama- 
ische Verbum im babylonischen Talmud," p. 40. 

In the Ethpeel of verbs *"B, the * loses its consonantal power in 
most of the forms, and consequently the 1") of the preformative 
remains. But in cases where the * retains its consonantal power 
the n ought not to remain. If it does remain, it is due to the 
influence of the analogy of those cases where the H loses its con- 
sonantal power. In the Ethpaal the organic formation is usually 
found. 

Another case where the form of one preformative has analogi- 
cally changed the form of another preformative is the following, 
taken from Barth, Nominalbildung. The infinitive absolute 
(Barth, perfect infinitive) of the Niphal appears in Hebrew in 
three forms : fej?3, hb%n, and 7$j?n. Of these the first is the normal 
form. The other two are explained by Barth (Nominalbildung, 
p. 72, §49b) as analogical formations based on the analogy of the 
form of the infinitive absolute in the other derived conjugations, 
especially in the Piel and Hiphil. In these conjugations there 
was a certain similarity in sound between the infinitive abso- 
lute and the imperfect very noticeable when the infinitive was 
used to strengthen the imperfect ; cf. Ex. 23, 24 "Wfl ^W. Hence 
this infinitive was supposed to have been formed from the imper- 
fect, when in reality it was formed from the perfect. In the Niphal 
no such resemblance existed between the imperfect and the infini- 
tive as formed from the perfect, and hence a new form was formed 
from the imperfect which should have the same assonance to the 
imperfect as was observed in the case of the infinitive absolute of the 



49 

Piel and Hiphil. The ground of this explanation is strengthened 
by the fact that this analogical formation is found only when the 
infinitive absolute is used to strengthen the imperfect. Where it 
is used to strengthen the perfect the normal form is used ; cf. on 
the one hand *1P£?. ^DKn, Q n the other hand nri^ppJ f\b^ Gen. 

3I-30- 

In forms like ^pxn the vowel of the last syllable is due to the 
influence of the old perfect infinitive of the Qal and Niphal. 
?1tD}% Pjbp^ while in ni3fl the assonance to the imperfect has been 
made complete; cf. B7EK t^Eri, 1 Sam. 27. 1, 'escaping, I shall 
escape.' 

Class III. 

Division D. 

Inorganic application of formative elements under the influence 
of analogy. 

The true origin, nature or significance of a formative element 
was often misconceived, and so it came to be attached to forms 
where it was not organically legitimate. 

An instance of this class is given by Noldeke, Syriac Grammar, 
§5oB : "The * which was often found apparently without any 
special reason, came finally to be attached to words ending in a 
consonant "; cf. Hebraica II 104, n. 1. 

We have another instance in the use of the old accusative sin- 
gular ending & H- (accusative of direction) with "?» 3 and IP, and in 
cases where it is attached to dual and plural forms, thus : 

ftafltf? 'upwards,' HBD^ < downward.' 

n»«ftb 'toChaldea.' ' 

nWQ&n 'to Heaven.' 

nwy?V 'to Egypt.' 

nbap'from Babylon.' 

Sometimes there is a combination of two processes B and D of 
this class. The language mistakes a stem-consonant in a certain 
form for a formative element and then adds it where it does not 
belong. 

So in the forms of Syriac numerals with determining suffixes 
(Noldeke, §149). 

The^ which there appears is organic only in IJ"]? 'we two.' 
After this analogy we have the other forms P i T j ™ ' they three,' etc. 

In Ethiopic the pronominal form 3d pers. masc. sing, we'etu, 



50 

forms the 3d person plural masc. and fern, wfetdmu and weetdn 
by the inorganic attachment of the suffixes -drnfi and -6n (Prae- 
torius, Eth. Gramm. §21). 

Another case of the same kind in Ethiopic is the attachment of 
suffixes to keVi when used as a numeral. These forms keleitjc, 
keleHa, keleUi and keleeta, masculine, fern., nominative and 
accusative respectively, are based on the analogy of other nume- 
rals with suffixes (Praetorius, §135). 

Still another case is found in the forms of prepositions with 
suffixes. The prepositions ?£ 'to,' *W 'unto,' and /D 'over,' are to 
be referred to the stems vK, Htf, and vtf (see Stade, §375). Hence 
with suffixes we have the organic forms T^» ^<$» Tl^' etc. 
But the language mistook this s for a formative element, forming 
the plural, and then added it to the prepositions where it had no 
place at all. T"P? 'after thee,' T??n 'under thee," W3 'between 
us,' W^? 'among us.' 

Cf. Barth, Vergleichende Studien, ZDMG 42, 348-358, where 
also the views of Lagarde, Mittheilungen I 232 are successfully 
combatted. 

So too in Ethiopic all the prepositions receive their suffixes 
with the insertion of the long vowel £ (see Praetorius, Ethiopic 
Grammar, §152). This vowel is organic only in Id' Id 'upon,' with 
suffixes (cf. Syr. ?tf?=?tf, stem vtf). But the language mistook 
it for a formative element and then applied it analogically in the 
case of the other prepositions. 

Another case of this class is found in the form of the feminine 
plural before suffixes in Hebrew, e. g. -WTTID-ID. Losing sight of 
the fact that the "> was organic only in the masculine ^5-10, and 
that the fern. pi. construct was already expressed by the ending 
ill", the language adding the ending '•" through the influence of 
the masculine. 

On this subject compare the remarks of Praetorius, Tigrina 
Sprache, §99, the substance of which I quote as follows: 

In several ancient and modern Semitic dialects the pronominal 
suffixes are found partially or wholly in combination or even 
union with a nominal plural ending. The languages presenting 
this phenomenon are Hebrew, Aramean, Modern Syriac, Man- 
dean, Amharic, and Tigrina. The similar occurrence, however, 
of this peculiarity in these six languages is purely external and 
accidental. There are three different grounds and occasions 
of this confusion of plural ending and pronominal suffix which 



are still to be distinguished in its occurrence in the different lan- 
guages. In modern Syriac and Mandean the plural nature of the 
nominal plural ending was entirely forgotten and abandoned. 

See Noldeke, Mand. Grammar, §76 and §141. The possessive 
suffix pronouns have incorporated the ending ai, which originally 
served as the ending of the construct masc. pi. The result is 
that in the case of masculine nouns with pronominal suffixes the 
singular and plural can no longer be distinguished. The same 
thing is true in modern Syriac. See Noldeke, Modern Syriac 
Grammar, §37. 

In Hebrew and Aramean, however, a knowledge of the plural 
nature of * was retained, in spite of its erroneous application. 
This is sufficiently shown in the fact that besides its legitimate 
application in the masculine, it is found only in the plural of the 
feminine. So also in Tigrifia and Amharic the meaning of the 
plural ending in combination with a suffix was not forgotten. 
When, however, we find, in Tigrifia, cases where the singular has 
the suffix -Citkmn or -dtom instead of and alongside of the simple 
-kHm and -6m, this must be because the plural ending -at was 
thought to denote not only the plural nature of the noun to which 
it was suffixed, and which was its original function, but also the 
plural nature of the following pronominal suffix. The ending -dt, 
therefore, is capable of a two-fold reference — either to the pre- 
ceding noun, which is legitimate, or to the following pronominal 
suffix, where it is not legitimate. 

As a result of this confusion k&ken&fkiim, for instance, may 
mean either 'your priest,' or 'your priests.' 

Sometimes there is a misapprehension of the nature and origin 
of the formative elements of a word. See Dr. Martin Schultze, 
Zur Formenlehre des semit. Verbs, p. 28, §29. He there points 
cut that the Syriac interjectional n and the Biblical- Aramean pre- 
positional ? of 3d person sing, imperf. came to be regarded as the 
pronominal prefix of the 3d person, and as such was prefixed to 
the plural as well as to the singular. 

Before Schultze, however (1886), Mr. W. H. Salter Brooks 
(1883), in the appendix to his treatise "Vestiges of the Broken 
Plural in Hebrew," pointed out that the Syriac form with n 
belonged originally only to the singular, and was afterward 
applied analogically to the plural forms. He says nothing, how- 
ever, as to the original nature of this n. 

Another note on the prefix ? and 1 of the 3d person impft. in 
Aramean and Syriac respectively. 



As to the Aramean, see the remarks of Kautsch, Grammar, p. 
79. The ? was originally the sign of the optative or precative 
(compare Assyrian precative particle lu). Afterwards its original 
signification was lost and it was applied indiscriminately. 1 

Compare the examples cited by Dr. Rosenberg, " Das aramaische 
Verbum im babylonischen Talmud," Marburg, 1888. Dr. Rosen- 
berg says: "7 is prefixed after the example of the Assyrian, where 
in the same relations the particle lu is used, to strengthen the 
assertion. Gradually its force weakened until it became simple 
assertion and took the place of the prefix \ Because of its 
relationship with J, however, it changed into the same, and this 
new form became the exclusive one in Syriac, in Mandean with 
few exceptions, and in Talmudic was used pretty often." 

According to Noldeke, in Lazarus and Steinthal, Zeitschrift fur 
Volkerpsychoiogie und Sprachwissenschaft, Vol. VII, pp. 403-411 
the dual originally denoted a pair {die paarweise Verbindung). 
This signification is still retained in Hebrew. In Arabic, how- 
ever, it came to mean simply twoness, and extended itself to all 
the inflected parts of speech. If this could be maintained it 
would be an interesting case of the analogical extension of an 
inflectional element beyond its original bounds. 

In a review of this article, however, by Dr. Friedrich Miiller, 
"Der Dual in den semitischen Sprachen," Wien, 1875, this posi- 
tion is questioned, and the counter-position maintained, that the 
Arabic dual form of the verb, qatalh, is the original. Friedrich 
Miiller endeavors to support the position by a comparison with 
the Assyrian (p. 8). This must be abandoned, however, as the 
Assyrian form cited is now known to be, not a dual, but the femi- 
nine plural. 2 We need not now examine the details of his 
argument. On the whole, his reasoning is unsatisfactory, and I 
do not accept his conclusion (p. 12 and p. 14) that the Arabic 
dual, in its form and in the extent of its application, represents 
most faithfully the condition of the parent Semitic in this respect. 
The position of Noldeke seems to be the correct one. 

A case of misconception of the nature and significance of an 
inflectional ending and consequent misapplication is given in Nbld. 
Neusyrisch. Gramm. p. 218, §102, the use of the ending -nt, which 
should be used only in the plural, to form the 3d person sing. 

1 Cf. Haupt, Beitr. z. Assyriologie, I 17. 

2 See, however, Haupt, SFG 71, and ZDMG 34. 



53 

A similar case is the indiscriminate use of the old Ethiopic 
Abtina or Abtm in modern Amharic as the title of a bishop or a 
saint (see Praetorius, Amharische Sprache, §760). 

For another case of this class see Praetorius, Tigrina Sprache, 
§131. The plural ending -at, which originally was the ending of 
the feminine plural, has in many cases taken the place of the 
original masculine ending -an, especially in the case of adjectives 
and participles. 

For the same phenomenon in Tigre compare Schreiber, Manuel 
de la langue Tigrai, §63. In this connection we must bear in mind, 
however, that the presumption is that in primitive times the plural 
endings -im or -in or -an, on the one hand, and -tit on the other, 
were applied more indiscriminately without regard to gender; 
compare e. g. ni'nx and D*#J. See Barth, Vergleichende Studien, 
ZDMG41, 613, 614. 

In studying the plurals formed by the insertion of h (see 
Noldeke, Proc. of the Berlin Acad. 1882, 1 178-9; Barth, Ver- 
gleichende Studien, ZDMG 41, 621 fg.~), we find some instances 
in which it is inserted probably after the analogy of other older 
and more original cases. Thus Arabic ummahtit 'mothers' pro- 
bably after the analogy of an older form abahdt ' fathers '; cf. the 
Sabean WOK and the Syriac «nri3« : (cf. Hebrew nino** 1 'hand- 
maids') is not therefore a late form. On the contrary it is primi- 
tive Semitic. See Barth, ZDMG 41, 624, note 2. 

In Aramaic (Syriac) the h was originally inserted only before 
the ending -dtha* The few cases in which it has been inserted before 
the ending -in (J) such as KH2S (cf. Sab. ^mx, const, pi.), ^£ n 
'father-in-law,' KD9? 'name,' are probably of a secondary nature 
and formed after the analogy of forms in -dtka, Knnm KnnDn. 2 

The h arose from an original w because of dissimilation. In 
almost all cases where we find the original stem- consonant w 
changed into h in the plural, we find that it immediately follows a 
labial. Hence the labial spirant w was changed to the guttural 
spirant h. 

1 See also E. Nestle's paper on El, Elohim, Eloah in Theol. Studien aus 
Wtirtemberg, III. Jahrg. (1882), pp. 249 and 255. According to Nestle DTDX 
is plural to "?X and the singular ni?K a secondary analogical derivation from 
DTQK. This view is not accepted by Delitzsch, however. See Del., Neuer 
Comm. uber die Gen., Leipzig, 1887, p. 47. 

2 The supposition of Stade, §182, that the insertion of the il is to give bi- 
consonantal stems the appearance of tri-consonantalism cannot be maintained. 
See Barth, ZDMG 41, 625. 



54 

Cases where a labial does not precede are hence to be consid- 
ered analogical formations. They are comparatively rare, and the 
different forms appear respectively in only one language ; so 
Arab, sanahdt, Phoenician mr6l. 

An interesting and valuable discussion of some analogical forma- 
tions of this class is given by Barth, ZDMG 42, 341-358. 

I shall give only the summary of his views, referring to the 
article itself for the details. 

The words for heaven, water, life, entrails, face, value, in the 
several North-Semitic languages have the plural form, while the 
corresponding forms in South-Semitic are generally singular. 
Cf. Heb. D*»B>, Phoen. DD0 , Syr. VQf> K*W , Psalm. IW, with the 
Arabic samd', Sabean 1BD, Ethiopic and Amharic samdi. 

Heb. i^Jp, Syriac TP' K* T », with Arab. ma\ Eth. and Amh. m&i. 

Heb. d*n f Syr. P?n. «Pl f Arab. ham. 

Hebrew (late, Mishna) D"MD or DWB, Arab, #M*a* or /»zM\ 

Hebrew D^B. 

Late Hebrew D*cn, Aram. NW. 

Barth thus explains these plural forms which are found in 
Hebrew and other North -Semitic languages. They are all 
derived from stems I"? and '"?, In the case of the words for 
heaven and water the original forms were probably samdi and 
mdi. These were shortened to w samai and mai, thus exactly 
resembling the usual construct, pi. masc. Also when these forms 
received suffixes they presented the same appearance as the 
plural with suffix. Hence the language mistook the form for a 
plural, and formed the corresponding plural absolute D?E1P and 

In the same manner, from the forms with suffixes, *p}n» T?P, 
ifo?, 1W, which, although really singulars, looked like plurals, 
were formed the absolute plurals D?*D, D"2JD, D'OB, wm. 

So perhaps also Bibl. Aram. P1D. 'breast,' and Hebrew En?*] 
'blood-guiltiness.' 

According to Barth (Nominalbildung, §123), the prefix ma of 
the Arabic passive participle of the first form is due to the influ- 
ence of the analogy. of the passive participles of the other forms. 
This is a case of the analogical extension and application of a 
formative element beyond its original bounds. 

Sometimes analogical influence of this kind produces great 
mixtures of forms. Thus the Greek suffix -apios is attached to 
genuine Syriac words (Noldeke, §140, p. 77). 



55 

Here also may be classed such formations as are mentioned in 
Noldeke's Mandean Grammar, p. 86 fg. 

tichuun, dchni "we" forms achtmi "you," by inserting the eft, 
a contamination of form. Then, as from achtun there was formed 
achtochun by the possessive suffix of the 2d pi., this again pro- 
duced the formation achnochun for the first person. 

Historical and Bibliographical Note. 

No systematic comprehensive treatment of analogy in the 
Semitic languages has yet appeared. In nearly all the recent 
treatises on the grammar, phonetics, and morphology of these 
languages frequent use is made of the principle of analogy to 
explain the different phonetic and morphological phenomena of 
these languages. So, for example, Bickell (Grundriss der hebr'a- 
ischen Grammatik, Leipzig, 1869), English translation, Outlines 
of Hebrew Grammar (Leipzig, 1877), on page 42, §47, notes the 
fact that "the remarkable transition of/, which has arisen from #, 
to i in the hiphil has perhaps originated according to an errone- 
ous analogy from the conjugation of the verbs mediae v,y, where 
this i is phonetically legitimate." 

And on page 49 of the same work he suggests that many 
Semitic stems which at present have three stem-consonants origi- 
nally had only two such consonants, and were made tri-consonantal 
by the insertion of an auxiliary sound through a pervasive 
analogy. 

Also in the following among many other passages of the same 
work he points out cases of the occurrence of analogy. On page 
66, §86, he notes that after a false analogy the ending a, to indi- 
cate direction, is added to a plural noun in the case of nD^G^a 
' unto Chaldea,' Ezek. 16. 29. On page 70, §93, it is observed 
that before suffixes the plural endings of the masculine are super- 
added after the feminine plural ending according to a false analogy 
peculiar to Hebrew; cf. TUpD 'thy horses,' and TJTVfD-ID 'thy 
mares.' 

On page 100, §136, it is observed that the feminine singular 
perfect of verbs tertiae infirmae {galayat, galtit) is usually 
expanded to n n?K after the analogy of strong verbs. 

In "Die sumerischen Familiengesetze von Dr. Paul Haupt," 
Leipzig, 1879, we have many discriminating and valuable obser- 
vations on the occurrence of analogy in Assyrian and also in the 
other Semitic languages. 



56 

See page 52, note 10, where it is pointed out that in Assyrian 
izzazti (3d plur. pres. kal stem naz&zu 'to settle, to stand') 
instead of the organic form indzazu is based on the analogy of 
illakfi 'they go' (stem alaku) y the analogy being induced by the 
form of the imperfects izzizti and illikti,, (On these forms cf., 
however, Del. Ass. Grammar, §100.) 

In the same place it is also pointed out that Hebrew *?3K (grd- 
form anakii) and ^?Pi? are based on the analogy of *3S in the 
vocalization of .the final syllable for a?iaku and qataltu, while 
qataltu is for qatalku under the influence of the 2d person qatalta 
and qatalti. 

Unfortunately the treatise which is there promised us on 
"Associative Neubildungen im Bereich des Semitischen " has not 
yet made its appearance. 

On page 66, note 3, of this work it is pointed out that many 
forms of verbs 1"B (Assyrian) such as usebila ' I brought,' usisib 
' I placed,' usSsd 'they led out,' are based on the analogy of forms 
from stems K"B. 

On page 73 middle analogy is pointed out in the forms muttdti 
plural of muttu for mun&ti, similar to the analogy observed in 
the Hebrew forms TY\rf?\ plural of Tffi 'door,' and Wn^j?, plural 
of ntfj'bow.' 

Two articles by the same author in the first volume of Hebraica 
(Assyrian Phonology and Wateh-ben-Hazael), as also several arti- 
cles in the first number of Beitr'age zur Assyriologie, Delitzsch 
und Haupt, Leipzig, 1889, contain much valuable material of the 
same kind which has been utilized for this present treatise. 

In Stade's Hebrew Grammar, Leipzig, 1879, many individual 
cases of analogy are pointed out in the discussion of the various 
forms. The greater number of these cases are cited and arranged 
under their respective classes and divisions in the preceding 
part of this treatise. 

On pages 110-114 of his grammar Stade treats of the various 
ways in which original bi-consonantal stems have become tri- 
consonantal . under the influence of the analogy of those stems 
which originally had three stem-consonants. 

For the rest the principal individual cases of analogy which he 
points out are those cases where a weak or irregular verb-stem is 
treated after the analogy of a strong stem, or where the different 
classes of weak verb-stems are confused, for instance, confusion of 
stems n 'v and **"?, §i43e, note 1. 



57 

It is hardly necessary to say that in the excellent grammars of 
Theodor Noldeke (Syrische Grammatik, Leipzig, 1880; Neusyr- 
ische Grammatik, Leipzig, 1868; Mandaische Grammatik, Halle, 
J 875) we have a comparatively full presentation of nearly all the 
analogical phenomena of the respective languages of which he 
treats. These different formations, as given by Noldeke, will be 
found cited or referred to in the preceding pages of this thesis. 

The same remarks to some extent apply also to the grammars 
of Kautzsch (Grammatik des Biblisch-aramaischen, Leipzig, 1884), 
Praetorius (Grammatik der Tigrina-Sprache, Halle, 1871 ; Die 
Amharische Sprache, 1879 ; ^Ethiopische Grammatik, Leipzig, 
1886), and Delitzsch (Assyrische Grammatik, Berlin, 1889). 

Considerable valuable material is also contained in various 
essays on different topics of comparative Semitic grammar 
recently published. See especially Noldeke in ZDMG 37, 525, 
Die Verba 'W im Hebraischen; Vol. 38, 407, Die Endungen des 
Perfects ; Barth, Die Nominalbildung in den semitischen Sprachen, 
Leipzig, 1889, also his Vergleichende Studien in ZDMG 41, 603; 
42, 413 ; 43, 177. The material of these articles has been cited 
and discussed in this paper. 

There is not much that is new in Wright's Comparative Gram- 
mar of the Semitic Languages, recently published (New York, 
1890). 



INDEX OF FORMS CITED IN THIS THESIS, 



The numbers refer to the pages. 



Hebrew Forms. 



™«, 53- 
2n $, 29. 
ni-ina 32. 

t:jdk, 12, 52. 
w$, 22. " 
n?ta, 18. 
Wfe^, 37. 
T& 12. 
nines, 53 . 

^Vpk", 24. 
!»K 28. 
in^K, 38. 
HP*, 38. 
V???, 30- 

'BSK, 38. 
nap**, 38. 
ntaia, 16. 
no, 17. 
T - T ?, 23. 
WTO, 50. 

W*3»3, 50. 
"1J£, 24. 

;im 37- 



nj|, 22 



r4, 23. 
TO% 36. 

JCM7- 

run?" 7 !, 22. 

*vi 38. 

P% 2 3- 

^0, 49 . 



P30, 29. 

*PP, 30- 
w^n, 36. 

rifn, 18. 

T^th, 18. 

■inp-in, 36. 

PpJin, 3 6, 48. 

^ID, 29. 
^•?n, 18. 
nnnn, I7 . 

rir>;n f 40. 
nrpn, 40. 
npgn, 12, 49. 
o!?sn, 12, 49. 
sjrwpi?, 16. 
triK'3|n, 17. 
rpjn, 18. 
pJ^n, 23. 

w! 30. 

W 30. 
•in s _pvn, 23. 
tofcn," 48. 
^n, 48. 
nojotfri, 49. 

n Bffy 30. 
niaann, 17. 
rpaann, 17. 

fei??n, 47- 

Dnn*ni :) 23. 

«iy, 15. ^ 



■$B& 15. 

•i^m, 15. 

JIM, 30. 

?api, 30. 

n$ir, 32. 
W, 29. 
^$an 37. 
p?n, 38. 
^n, 29. 

*>m 23. 

^*n, 16. 
•inp.-m 38. 
^'n, 16. 
n^n, 16. 
D*n, 54 . 
^?S 23. 

oon, 23. 

n iBP, 40- 

ipn, 28. 

i? n , 30. 
nw, 30. 

•nin, 39. 

D^tpnn, 36. 
Wn )3 8. 
™V, 36. 
TO 31. 
w, 23. 
TO, 17. 
»*., 17. 

*n:, 18. 

W, 36. 



6o 



\f\V\, i 7 . 

?^, 18. 

np", 18. 
nfc», 16. 
W"fe, 37. 
TC, 18. 

n^pi, 17. 
w, 17. 
w, 18. 

rfc, 16. 
^i 17. 

ll'^ 1 !, 22. 
n^!, 18. 
"&«, 22. 
*i*, 22. 

**?*., 22. 

ID!, 18. 
3K, 18. 

as*, 18. 
rvp!, 18. 
*»!, 15. 
"», 18. 

yi, 17. 

?»&♦, 14. 

XT, 29. 

R, 17. 

^T-, 17. 

m:, 17. 
»¥, 16. 
**y., 16, 
™*. 17. 

n®» 17. 
?*!, 29. 
**& 15. 
*«*., 15. 

ipfl^?, 25. 

PK*i7- 

*b, 15. 
™??, 16. 
*?, 16. 



•ante, 16. 

ninpa, 22. 
no^3, 49. 
n ^, 22. 

•n^?^, 23. 
ptefe, 29. 

Ktl^, 16. 

nap 1 ?, 49 . 
npyp 1 ?, 49. 
n'apV 23. 
>$?, 29. 
1'^, 29. 
3$& 37. 

i^?, 36. 
n^nsp, 49 . 

^23- 
n^nio, 15. 

W 37- 

™> 54. 

3"J?», 37. 

rras 38. 

n ?P, 38. 

D*pO, 29. 

nifc&p, 16. 
n*&&, ^ 
n*6p, 16. 
Ap, 16. 
'???, 38. 
TP9, 17. 

DWDp, 15. 
Dbp/23. 
""ife®, 29. 
W, 37- 
3W, 37- 

1WP, 37. 

r?£, 29. 

npnvp, 49. 
nibnpp, 30. 
B^Oi^P, 30. 
Q'i?P, 47. 
^i?P, 37- 



nnp, 29. 
«£>1P, 15. 
D*'W, 29. 
tt#0, 39. 

r^,2 4 . 

TW, 24. 

m 17. 

ng3j, 40. 
wiaj, 17. 

m 37. 

WTJ, 40. 

naijji 17. 

T3. 40. 
^ 36. 

B?nfOJ, 36. 

WODJ, 16. 

*P?j, 12,49. 

DP3, 40. 

™, 17. 

np;, 40. 
2p^, 40. 
njw, 40. 
TPJ, 30. 

«^?3, 16. 

w&j, 16. 

Q^a? f 29. 
n m 38. 
9W, 38. 
n?E? f 31. 
^H3J, 40. 
nns-ja, 16. 

P T ?, 40. 
^3, 53. 
^P, 23. 
nnp, 18. 

•i^niD-iD, 50. 

>nm 38. 

*m 38. 

Tli?, 12. 
TO, 23. 
to, 23. 



6i 



m, 23. 
*i#, 22. 

D^W, 23. 

D*P»tf, 23. 

3^37- 

n ?1?> 38. 
nrs, 23. 
rfe, 4 o. 

ri ^'^, 40. 

*3*JP?, 40. 
WB, 29. 
** 54. 

WE, 38. 

3E1*, 37- 
n*9¥, 16. 

i^V, 23. 
n^np, 30. 
?8P, 14, 39. 
WR 23. 

w, 13. 



n'Kap, 16. 
ri3|5, 23. 
nimp, 16. 
mnBTj, 22. 
nm sl 23. 

°W, 23. 
nan, 16. 
mv, 38. 

««$?>, 24. 

afc^i 17. 

nn^, 29. 

HTf , 39- 
nns^ 23. 

T& 37- 
Dp#, 23. 
nV, 29. 
^23. 
nnvhf, 36. 

^»VVs4- 
fctap, 29. 

m\ 15. 



*jp, 32. 

nfcfcib, 16. 
p?^, 38. 
ngw, 22, 30. 
ninj#>, 22. 
in^, 23. 
*Qh, 16. 

H3PI, 17. 

pran, i 7 . 
Tfl?n, 12, 50. 
Q^n, 23. 

b-1&6fi, 15. 

DW^, 15. 

^an, 22. 
■injjp, 38. 
nj»aro, 18, 48. 
iW5," 17. 
"JVE, 16. 
t P'^, 48. 



HTDK, 31. 

n^n, 31. 
m^n, 31. 

nsiD:n, 32. 



Late Hebrew (Mishna). 

ppiorm, 3 2 - 
n»*on, 31. 
na^, 31. 
nk«w, 31. 



npnsi, 31. 
nn*np, 31. 
"nptf, 32. 

*w, 32. 



Aramean, including Modern Syriac and Mandean. 

Ksata, 25. 
°??, 35- 
F|fcO, 19. 
KB»3, 19. 
D 1?> 35- 

W..35. 

"9837, 21. 

fa. 35. 

«W, 41. 
Nrn^ft 4 i. 
k^d, 25. 



**% 53. 




K3313, 25. 


*W?*i 53- 




SDn:, 28. 


tniK, l8 . 




tol 32. 


achnOchun, 


12, 55- 


KDI, 22. 


achnun, 12, 




yen, 28. 


achtOchun, 


12. 


•JWTO, 38. 


achtun, 12, 


55- 


*39*, 46. 


PDX, 19- 




«in, 32. 


"1DN, 19. 




K*P n , 53- 


WS, 30. 




"|OTI, 28. 


^?. 35. 




3SO, 19- 



62 



fcWSPP, 46. 
t&BD, 45- 
W)D, 19- 
n^a, 28. 

*>?"!?, 30. 

■*}. 35. 

"jpnD, 45- 
^no, 45- 



amin, 32. 
asnata, 45. 
ummahat, 53. 
baid, 32. 
jalid, 28. 
jaijd, 20. 
hadana, 30. 
hidn, 30. 
hudne, 30. 
hize. 22. 
haiiit, 20. 
husr, 28. 
dikr, 30. 
rihle, 29. 
rugb, 28. 
ruhb, 28. 
zuhd, 28. 
sumull, 28. 
da'in, 12, 31. 



KJB?, 28. 
«M, 19. 

D ?V, 35- 
ron, 28. 

Kgtn, 28. 

yiW, 28. 

mra>, 18. 

Ki?fe\ 28. 



Arabic Forms. 

dahuk, 32. 
darub, 31. 
salim, 32. 
sihn, 29. 
sarf, 28. 
siqi, 3°- 
sanahat, 54. 
saiiid, 20. 
c ujb, 28. 
azim, 28. 
umudd, 28. 
amul, 32. 
aiijd, 20. 
gasfim, 32. 
fi'l, 29. 
qattil, 12. 
qattala, 14. 
qaium, 20. 
kabir, 28. 



«m, 53- 

Wf£ 22. 

«JPB>, 28. 

KOW, 30. 
Dxn, 19. 
s^n, 19. 
t^n??, 49. 

nmn, 45- 



kabunn, 28. 
katir, 28. 
karim, 28. 
kastib, 32. 
kalib, 12, 31. 
ma'iz, 31. 
maiiit, 20. 
naqid, 31. 
uu'til, 31. 
uutCib, 31. 
uujfib, 31. 
uujfid, 31. 
uujtiz, 31. 
uurud, 31. 
hattib, 32. 
haiiin, 20. 
ia'us, 32. 
iasqi, 30. 
iuqattilu, 14. 



Ethiopic Forms, including Amharic and Tigrina. 



haydola, 44. 
laala, 43. 
malakata, 43. 
malada, 43. 
maraka, 43. 
marakuaza, 43. 
masaqala, 43. 
moshara, 43. 
mashaga, 43. 



manazara, 43. 
managaga, 43. 
manatja, 26. 
manatsha, 43. 
makuata, 43. 
mogata, 43. 
masana, 43. 
shalatana, 43. 
rate c , 32. 



sanakala, 42. 
shamana, 42. 
shamagala, 42. 
shamatata, 42. 
shaqaba, 42. 
shanakara, 42. 
shanagala, 42. 
shakarakara, 42. 
quaratama, 43. 



63 



bahata, 43. 
behta, 46. 
bahtawa, 43. 
barata, 43. 
talala, 42. 
talalafa, 42. 
tarasa, 42. 
tanabaya, 42. 
tantarasa, 42. 
tanakuala, 42. 
tanafasa, 42. 
tafia, 42. 
takata, 42. 
tawaba, 42. 
teda'i, 13. 
amalaka, 43. 



amara, 42. 
arasa, 42. 
asalama, 42. 
asama, 43. 
asmat, 43. 
abuna, 53. 
'ayd61am, 43. 
adaga, 42. 
kele'Sta, 50. 
kele'£tu, 50. 
kele'&a, 50. 
kele'Sti, 50. 
we'etdmti, 50. 
wad'a, 13. 
zawatara, 43. 
ida', 13. 



ida'fi, 13. 
ida'a, 13. 
daraqa, 42. 
dasasa, 42. 
danaquara, 42. 
danagala, 43. 
danagara, 42. 
danagada, 43. 
galam6ta, 43. 
garamama, 43. 
gazata, 43. 
taraqama, 43. 
tanawata, 43. 
sabaraqa, 42. 
da, 13. 



aran, 46. 
attasab, 18. 
£nzu, 23. 
ensu, 23. 
§qir, 19. 
izzazfi, 19. 
izanan, 39. 
illika, 19. 



Assyrian Forms. 

isitate, 41. 
isakan, 39. 
itati, 13, 46. 
ittasuni, 19. 
us£bila, 18. 
usesu, 18. 
usesib, 18. 
bintu, 23. 



zikru, 30. 
kasduni, 46. 
li-ri-qu, 19. 
l£tat, 41. 
muttabil, 19. 
muttati, 41. 



Biographical Sketch. 

Abel Henry Huizinga was born in Kalamazoo, Michigan, 
August 1 8, 1859. He graduated from Hope College, Holland, 
Mich., in 1880, as Bachelor of Arts. The next three years he 
spent as a student of theology in the Theological Seminary of the 
Reformed Church in America at New Brunswick, New Jersey, 
and graduated from that institution in May, 1883. From 1883 to 
1886 he pursued the study of Philology in the Johns Hopkins 
University, Baltimore, Md. The course of his study included 
Sanskrit and Comparative Philology under Prof. Bloomfield, 
Greek under Prof. Gildersleeve and Semitic Languages under 
Prof. Haupt. 



ANALOGY 



SEMITIC LANGUAGES 



DISSERTATION 



PRESENTED TO THE BOARD OF UNIVERSITY STUDIES OF THE JOHNS HOPKINS 
UNIVERSITY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 



ABEL H, HUIZINGA 



BALTIMORE: 
PRESS OF ISAAC FRIEDENWALD CO. 

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